Jak oligarchia okradła obywateli USA

Stoimy wobec nowych zagrożeń ludzkości u progu XXI wieku. Zagrożenia ekonomiczne dobrze opisuje Dawid DeGraw w książce pod tytułem: „Elity ekonomiczne dokonały nadzwyczajnego puczu,” (The Economic Elite Have Engineered an Extraordinary Coup”), w której udowadnia, że zagrożone jest istnienie klasy średniej w USA.

„Oligarchia amerykańska nie szczędzi wysiłków w ukrywaniu swego istnienia, co jej ułatwia publiczność amerykańska trzymająca się fikcji „równości” jako ostatniej deski ratunku i zamyka oczy na to, co się naprawdę dzieje” – według Michaela Linda znanego reżysera i działacza.

Wspólnym wrogiem jest pozbawienie politycznej reprezentacji 99% ludności USA za pomocą skutecznego przekupstwa przez dobrze zorganizowaną ekonomiczną elitę obydwu partii i wszystkich trzech części rządu od wykonawczej, przez ustawodawczą do wymiaru sprawiedliwości. Gospodarka USA, rząd i system podatków zagraża 99% Amerykanów, których sytuacja będzie nadal pogarszać się z powodu stosowanego przeciwko nim terroryzmu ekonomicznego, do którego publiczność, niestety, przyzwyczaja się przy jednoczesnej „wojnie przeciwko terrorowi” (jak gdyby terror były jedną ze stron w walce).

USA ma największą i najbogatszą gospodarkę na świecie a mimo tego jednocześnie ma najwyższe wskaźniki biedy wśród państw uprzemysłowionych. Ponad 50 milionów Amerykanów żyje w ciężkiej biedzie. Połowa dzieci w USA przeżywa okresy, w których potrzebuje kartek na żywność w okresie swego dzieciństwa. Obecnie liczba najbiedniejszych w USA rośnie 20,000 ludzi dziennie. W roku 2009 jedna z pięciu rodzin nie miała dosyć pieniędzy, żeby kupić żywność tak, że 24% rodzin włącznie z ich z dziećmi głodowało. Głód w USA obecnie osiąga szczyt w historii tego kraju.

Obecnie 50 milionów obywateli USA nie ma ubezpieczenia na zdrowie i blisko półtora miliona Amerykanów ogłosiło bankrupctwo, czyli upadłość, w 2009 roku co jest o 32% więcej niż 2008 roku. Choroby powodują ok. 60% upadłości i jednocześnie 75% upadłości jest z powodu chorób w rodzinach ubezpieczonych, ale oszukiwanych przez towarzystwa ubezpieczeniowe działające według motywu zysku i konkurujące na giełdzie nowojorskiej. Nic dziwnego, że w USA służba zdrowia jest najdroższa na świecie, tak, że Amerykanie są zmuszeni płacić dwukrotnie więcej niż obywatele innych państw a jednocześnie służba zdrowia w USA stoi na 37. miejscu na świecie wśród krajów uprzemysłowionych.

Od początku obecnego kryzysu Amerykanie stracili 5,000 miliardów dolarów z emerytur oraz 13,000 miliardów dolarów w wartości ich domów. W czasie pierwszego roku kryzysu pracownicy w wieku 55-60, którzy przepracowali 20-29 lat średnio stracili 25% wartości ich funduszu emerytalnego (401k). Długi osobiste przedstawiały 65% wydatków w roku 1980 a w 2009 osiągnęły 125%. Obecnie 25 milionów domów ma niższą wartość rynkową w USA niż zadłużenie hipoteczne.

Co dzień banki dokonują 10,000 eksmisji i niektóre banki dają łapówki, żeby ludzie nie niszczyli odbieranych im domów. Ponad pięć milionów rodzin w USA straciło domy a do 2014 liczba ta wzrośnie do trzynastu milionów, podczas gdy obecne długi hipoteczne przedstawiają niższą wartość rynkową niż jest warte ich zadłużenie. Deutsche Bank przepowiada, że liczba ta dojdzie do dwudziestu pięciu milionów domów w takim stanie zadłużenia. Obecnie jest ponad trzy miliony bezdomnych Amerykanów, wśród których przeważa liczba samotnych kobiet z dziećmi i niestety liczba ta rośnie najszybciej.

Tymczasem przemysł więzienny kwitnie. Coraz więcej jest więzień prywatnych, w których śmiertelność jest znacznie wyższa niż w więzieniach stanowych w USA, gdzie obecnie jest dwa miliony trzysta tysięcy więźniów, co stanowi rekord światowy 700 więźniów na 100,000 obywateli. Dla porównania, w Chinach 110 na 100,000, we Francji 80 na 100,000, w Arabii Saudyjskiej 45 na 100,000. Przemysł więzienny w USA kwitnie i ma „dobre prognozy” dalszego wzrostu. Według Hartford Advocate w artykule „Uwięziony Naród” stwierdza się, że w USA co tydzień otwiera się nowe więzienie w jakiejś miejscowości.

W USA panuje masowe bezrobocie ukrywane w statystykach rządowych w formie kategorii ludzi zmuszonych do pracy dorywczej i ludzi, którzy stracili nadzieję znalezienia pracy i przestali rejestrować się po wygaśnięciu ich prawa do zapomogi i są usuwani ze statystyk tak jak to się stało ponad milionowi bezrobotnych w styczniu 2010 w miesiącu, w którym liczba bezrobotnych powiększyła się 104,000 osób. Ocenia się, że zamiast 9,7% oficjalnego bezrobocia w USA,  faktyczne bezrobocie sięga 20%, czyli 30% obywateli USA jest bezrobotnych lub pracujących dorywczo.

Ocenia się, że zatrudniony procent ludności USA wynosi obecnie tylko 64% i że obecnie brak około dziesięciu milionów stanowisk pracy w Stanach, gdzie w samym 2009 roku 20 milionów ludzi zakwalifikowało się na zapomogi, co przekroczyło środki 27 stanów a w sumie 40 stanowych programów opieki zbankrutowało. Doszło do takiej sytuacji, że urzędnicy stanowi i federalni zarabiają przeciętnie więcej niż ludzie zatrudnieni w gospodarce prywatnej. Obecnie jest sześciu aplikantów na każde otwarte stanowisko pracy, podczas gdy przedsiębiorcy wymagają zwiększania wydajności na godzinę i statystyki wykazują, że wydajność pracy na godzinę szybko wzrasta w USA i osiąga rekord światowy w 2009 wzrostu o prawie 10% przy jednoczesnym spadku kosztu robocizny o 5,2% co daje rekordowe zyski korporacjom, których 78% ma nadspodziewane zyski wyższe o 17% niż się tego spodziewano co jest rekordem na ćwierć roku.

Urząd Statystyczny USA podaje średni dochód na rodzinę 32 390 dolarów w 2008 roku, w którym dochody spadły o 3,6% a bezrobocie wynosiło 5,8%. Obecnie bezrobocie wynosi 10%  a średni dochód spada 5% rocznie. Zadowolenie z pracy wśród Amerykanów osiągnęło najniższy poziom w historii. Połowa rodzin w USA zarabia coraz mniej i szuka dodatkowej pracy.

Zbrodnią przeciwko ludzkości są skutki lichwiarskiego wyzysku w USA i rozpowszechnienie biedy i związanej z biedą fatalnych innych skutków. Organizacje charytatywne takie jak katolicki Caritas dysponują małym ułamkiem pieniędzy, potrzebnych rosnącym masom biednych parafian, którzy cierpią skutki kryzysu i nie mogą opłacić kosztów służby zdrowia etc. Ponad 150 milionów Amerykanów czuje stałe przygnębienie, a 60% nie ma żadnych rezerw pieniężnych. Jest to zupełnym zaprzeczeniem możliwości proporcjonalne do obecnej ery postępu.

Dawid DeGraw opisuje ten stan rzeczy w jego wyżej wspomnianej książce poświęconej obecnej rzeczywistości, w której elita ekonomiczna dopuściła się rabunku społeczeństwa i spowodowała początek kryzysu szwindlem na trylion dolarów       Ivo Cyprian Pogonowski

The Iron Curtain Over America

By John BeatyTo the mighty company of American soldiers, sailors, airmen, and marines whose graves are marked by white crosses far from homehis book is dedicatedwith the solemn pledge that the Christian civilization of which they were the finest flower shall not die.First Printing, December, 1951 Eleventh Printing April 1954

PREFACE

Lt. Gen, George E. Stratemeyer, USAF (ret.), says: "I congratulate you on your book and the service you have performed for our country. If my health would permit it I would go on a continuous lecture tour gratis and preach your book and recommendations. My Iron Curtain Over America will be on loan continuously and I intend to recommend its reading in every letter I write."

Lt. Gen. Edward M. Almond, USA. (ret.), says: "It is an inspiration to me to find an author with the courage and energy to research and to secure the publication of such information as you have assembled in order that the poorly informed average American may know wherein the real threats to our Country lurk. Your book is a magnificent contribution to those who would preserve our American ideals."

"I think it ought to be compulsory reading in every public school in America." Senator William A. Langer, former Chairman, Judiciary Committee.

Vice Admiral T. G. W. Settle, U.S.N. (ret.), says: "The Iron Curtain Over America is a most pertinent and excellently presented treatise on the cancer on our national set-up. "I hope this book has had, and will have, the widest possible dissemination, particularly to our leaders-in Washington, and in industry and the press, — and that our leaders who are "uncontaminated" will have their serious attention engaged by it."

Lt, General P. A. Del Valle, USMC (ret), says: "I am impelled to write to you to express my admiration of your great service to the Nation in writing this truly magnificent book. No American who has taken the oath of allegiance can afford to miss it, and I heartily recommend it as an honest and courageous dispeller of the fog of propaganda in which most minds seem to dwell."

John Beaty

The author of The Iron Curtain Over America has written, or collaborated on, a dozen books. His texts have been used in more than seven hundred colleges and universities, and his historical novel, Swords in the Dawn, published originally in New York, had London and Australian editions, and was adopted for state-wide use in the public schools of Texas. His education (M.A., University of Virginia; Ph.D., Columbia University; post-graduate study, University of Montpellier, France), his travel in Europe and Asia, and his five years with the Military Intelligence Service in World War II rounded out the background for the reading and research (1946-1951) which resulted in The Iron Curtain Over America.

CONTENTS

To the Reader

 I. The Teutonic Knights and Germany

II. Russia and the Khazars

III. The Khazars Join the Democratic Party

IV. "The Unnecessary War

V. The Black Hood of Censorship

VI. The Foreign Policy of the Truman Administration

VII. Does the National Democratic Party Want War

VIII. Cleaning the Augean Stables

IX. America Can Still Be Free

Acknowledgements

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To The Reader

Many authors of books on the current world scene have been White House confidants, commanders of armies, and others whose authority is indicated by their official or military titles. Such authors need no introduction to the public. A Prospective reader is entitled, however, to know something of the background and experience of an unknown or little-known writer who is offering a comprehensive volume on a great and important subject.

In the spring of 1926, the author was selected by the Albert Kahn Foundation to investigate and report on world affairs. Introduced by preliminary correspondence and provided with numerous letters of introduction to persons prominent in government, politics, and education, he gained something more than a tourist's reaction to the culture and institutions, the movements and the pressures in the twenty-nine countries which he visited. In several countries, including great powers, he found conditions and attitudes significantly different from the conception of them which prevailed in the United States. Though previously successful in deposing of his writings, he was unable, however, to get his observations on the world situation published, except as the Annual Report of the Foundation and in his friendly home special foreign correspondent, and in the Southwest Review, in whose files his "Race and Population, Their Relation to World Peace" can still be seen as a virtual prognosis of the oncoming war.

After his return to America in the autumn of 1927, the author kept abreast of world attitudes by correspondence with many of the friends he had made in his travels and by rereading French, German, and Italian news periodicals, as well as certain English language periodicals emanating from Asia. World trends continued to run counter to what the American people were allowed to know, and a form of virtual censorship blacked out efforts at imparting information. For instance, though the author's textbooks continued to sell well and though his novel Swords in the Dawn (1937) was favorably received, his book Image of Life (Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1940), which attempted to show Americans the grave world-wide significance of the degradation of their cultural standards, was granted, as far as he knows, not a single comment in a book review or a book column in New York. Indeed, the book review periodical with the best reputation for full coverage failed to list Image of Life even under "Books Received".

In 1940 — as our President was feverishly and secretly preparing to enter World War II and publicly denying any such purpose — the author, a reserve captain, was "alerted," and in 1941 was called to active duty in the Military Intelligence Service of the War Department General Staff. His first assignment was to write, or help write, short pamphlets on military subjects, studies of several campaigns including those in Western Europe and Norway, and three bulletins on the frustration of an enemy's attempts at sabotage and subversion.

In 1942, the author became a major and Chief of the Historical Section (not the later Historical Branch of the War Department Special Staff). In his new capacity, he supervised a group of experts who prepared a current history of events in the various strategically important areas of the world. Also, he was one of the two editors of the daily secret "G-2 Report," which was issued each noon to give persons in high places, including the White House, the world picture as it existed four hours earlier. While Chief of the Historical Section, the author wrote three widely circulated studies of certain phases of the German-Russian campaign.

In 1943 — during which year he was also detailed to the General Staff Corps and promoted to lieutenant colonel — the author was made Chief of the Interview Section. In the next three years he interviewed more than two thousand persons, most of whom were returning from some high mission, some delicate assignment, or some deed of valor — often in a little-known region of the world. Those interviewed included military personnel in rank from private first class to four stars, diplomatic officials from vice-consuls to ambassadors and special representatives of the President, senators and congressmen returning from overseas investigations, missionaries, explorers, businessmen, refugees, and journalists — among the latter, Raymond Clapper and Ernie Pyle, who were interviewed between their next to the last and their last and fatal voyages. These significant people were presented sometimes individually but usually to assembled groups of officers and other experts from the various branches of G-2, from other General Staff divisions, from each of the technical services, and from other components interested in vital information which could be had by interview perhaps six weeks before being received in channeled reports. In some cases the author increased his knowledge of a given area or topic by consulting documents suggested during an interview. Thus, from those he interviewed, from those specialists for whom he arranged the interviews, and from study in which he had expert guidance, he had a unique opportunity for learning the history, resources, ideologies, capabilities, and intentions of the great foreign powers. In its most essential aspects, the picture was terrifyingly different from the picture presented by our government to the American people!

After the active phase of the war was over, the author was offered three separate opportunities of further service with the army — all of them interesting, all of them flattering. He wished, however, to return to his home and his university and to prepare himself for trying again to give the American people the world story as he had come to know it; consequently, after being advanced to the rank of colonel, he reverted to inactive status, upon his own request, in December, 1946. Twice thereafter he was recalled for a summer of active duty: in 1947 he wrote a short history of the Military Intelligence Service, and in 1949 he prepared for the Army Field Forces an annotated reading list for officers in the Military Intelligence Reserve.

From 1946 to 1951 the author devoted himself to extending his knowledge of the apparently diverse but actually interrelated events in the various strategic areas of the present-day world. The goal he set for himself was not merely to uncover the facts but to present them with such a body of documented proof that their validity could not be questioned. Sustaining quotations for significant truths have thus been taken from standard works of reference; from accepted historical writings; from government

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documents; from periodicals of wide public acceptance or of known accuracy in fields related to America's foreign policy; and from contemporary writers and speakers of unquestioned standing.

The final product of a long period of travel, army service, and study is The Iron Curtain Over America. The book is neither memoirs nor apology, but an objective presentation of "things as they are." It differs from many other pro-American books principally in that it not only exhibits the external and internal dangers which threaten the survival of our country, but shows how they developed and why they continue to plague us.

The roads we "travel so briskly lead out of dim antiquity" said General James G. Harbord, and we must study the past "because of its bearing on the living present" and because it is our only guide for the future. The author has thus turned on the light in certain darkened or dimmed out yet tremendously significant phases of the history of medieval and modern Europe. Since much compression was obligatory, and since many of the facts will to most readers be wholly new and disturbing, Chapters I and II may be described as "hard reading." Even a rapid perusal of them, however, will prepare the reader for understanding better the problems of our country as they are revealed in succeeding chapters.

In The Iron Curtain Over America authorities are cited not in a bibliography or in notes but along with the text to which they are pertinent. The documentary matter is enclosed by parentheses, and many readers will pass over it. It is there, however, for those who wish its assurance of validity, for those who wish to locate and examine the context of quoted material, and especially for those who wish to use this book as a springboard for further study.

In assembling and documenting his material, the author followed Shakespearean injunction, "nothing extenuate, nor set down aught in malice."¹ Writing with no goal except to serve his country by telling the truth, fully substantiated, he has humbly and reverently taken as his motto, or text, a promise of Christ the Saviour as recorded in the Gospel According to Saint John (VIII, 32):

And Ye Shall Know The Truth And The Truth Shall Make You Free.

Only an informed American people can save America — and they can save it only if all those, to whom it is given to know, will share their knowledge with others.

Chapter I THE TEUTONIC KNIGHTS AND GERMANY

For more than a thousand years a fundamental problem of Europe, the source, seat, and historic guardian of Western civilization, has been to save itself and its ideals from destruction by some temporary master of the men and resources of Asia. This statement implies no criticism of the peoples of Asia, for Europe and America have likewise produced leaders whose armies have invaded other continents.

Since the fall of the Roman Empire of the West in 476 A.D., a principal weakness of Western Europe has been a continuing lack of unity. Charlemagne (742-814) — who was crowned Emperor of the West in Rome in 800 — gave the post-Roman European world a generation of unity, and exerted influence even as far as Jerusalem, where he secured the protection of Christian pilgrims to the shrines associated with the birth, the ministry, and the crucifixion of Christ. Unfortunately, Charlemagne's empire was divided shortly after his death into three parts (Treaty of Verdun, 843). From two of these France and Germany derived historic boundaries — and a millennium of wars fought largely to change them!

After Charlemagne's time, the first significant power efforts with a continent-wide common purpose were the Crusades (1096-1291). In medieval Europe the Church of Rome, the only existing international organization, had some of the characteristics of a league of nations, and it sponsored these mass movements of Western Europeans toward the East. In fact, it was Pope Urban II, whose great speech at Clermont, France, on November 26, 1095, initiated the surge of feeling which inspired the people of France, and of Europe in general, for the amazing adventure. The late medieval setting of the epochal speech is re-created with brilliant detail by Harold Lamb in his book, The Crusades: Iron Men and Saints (Doubleday, Doran & Co., Inc., Garden City, New York, 1930, Chapters VI and VII).

The Pope crossed the Alps from schism-torn Italy and, Frenchman himself, stirred the people of France as he rode among them. In the chapel at Clermont, he first swayed the men of the church who had answered his summons to the meeting; then, surrounded by cardinals and mail-clad knights on a golden-canopied platform in a field by the church, he addressed the multitude:

You are girded knights, but you are arrogant with pride. You turn upon your brothers with fury, cutting down one the other. Is this the service of Christ? ... Come forward to the defense of Christ.

The great Pope gave his eager audience some pertinent and inspiring texts from the recorded words of Jesus Christ:

For where two or three are gathered together in my name, there am I in the midst of them (The Gospel According to Saint Matthew, Chapter XVIII, Verse 20).

And every one that hath forsaken houses, or brethren, or sisters, or father, or mother, or wife, or children, or lands, for my name's sake, shall receive a hundredfold, and shall inherit everlasting life (Saint Matthew, Chapter XIX, Verse 29).

¹ [Othello, act 5, sc. 2. -Ed.]

Iron Curtain Over America

To the words of the Saviour, the Pope added his own specific promise:

Set forth then upon the way to the Holy Sepulcher ... and fear not. Your possessions here will be safeguarded, and you will despoil the enemy of greater treasures. Do not fear death, where Christ laid down His life for you. If any should lose their lives, even on the way thither, by sea or land, or in strife with the pagans, their sins will be requited them. I grant this to all who go, by the power vested in me by God (Harold Lamb, op. cit., p. 42).

Through the long winter, men scanned their supplies, hammered out weapons and armor, and dreamed dreams of their holy mission. In the summer that followed, they "started out on what they called the voyage of God" (Harold Lamb, op. cit., p. VII) As they faced East they shouted on plains and in mountain valleys, "God wills it."

Back of the Crusades there was a "mixture of motives" (Encyclopedia Britannica, Fourteenth Edition, Vol. VI, p. 722). The immediate goal of those who made the journey was the rescue of the tomb of Christ from the non-Christian power which then dominated Palestine. Each knight wore a cross on his outer garment and they called themselves by a Latin name Cruciati (from crux, cross), or soldiers of the cross, which is translated into English as Crusaders. Probable ecclesiastical objectives were the containment of Mohammedan power and the protection of pilgrims to the Holy Land (Encyc. Brit., Vol. VI, p. 722).

Inspired by the promise of an eternal home in heaven, alike for those who might perish on the way and those who might reach the Holy Sepulcher, the Crusaders could not fail. Some of them survived the multiple perils of the journey and reached Palestine, where they captured the Holy City and founded the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (1099). In this land, which they popularly called Outremer or "Beyond the Sea," they established the means of livelihood, built churches, and saw children and grandchildren born. The Latin Kingdom's weaknesses, vicissitudes, and final destruction by the warriors of Islam, who had been driven back but not destroyed, constitute a vivid chapter of history — alien, however, to the subject matter of The Iron Curtain Over America.

Many of the Crusaders became members of three military religious orders. Unlike the Latin Kingdom, these orders have survived, in one form or another, the epoch of the great adventure, and are of significant interest in the middle of the twentieth century. The Knights Hospitalers — or by their longer title, the Knights of the Order of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem were "instituted" upon an older charitable foundation by Pope Paschal II in 1113 (Encyc. Brit. Vol. XIX, pp. 836-838). The fraternity of the Knights Templars (Poor Knights of Christ and of the Temple of Solomon) was founded not as a Hospital but directly as a military order about 1119, and was installed by Baldwin I, King of Jerusalem, in a building known as the "Temple of Solomon" — hence the name Templars (Encyc. Brit., Vol. XXI, pp. 920-924). Both Hospitalers and Templars are fairly well known to those who have read such historical novels as The Talisman by Sir Walter Scott.

The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem maintained its rule for nearly a hundred years, 1099-1187 (see Lamb, op. cit., and The Crusade: The World's Debate, by Hilaire Belloc, Cassell and Company, Ltd., London, 1937). Still longer the Crusaders held Acre on the coast of Palestine. When their position on the mainland became untenable, the Templars moved to the island of Cyprus, which was the seat of its Grand Master at the time of its dissolution (1306-1312) as an international military brotherhood. The Hospitalers move to the island of Rhodes, where their headquarters buildings — visited and studied by the author — still stand in superb preservation facing the waters of the Inland Sea. From Rhodes, the Knights of the Hospital moved to Malta hence their later name, Knights of Malta — and held sovereignty on that famous island until 1798.

The two principal Mediterranean orders and their history, including the assumption of some of their defense functions by Venice and then by Britain, do not further concern us. It is interesting to note, however, as we take leave of the Templars and the Hospitalers, that the three Chivalric Orders of Crusaders are in some cases the direct ancestors and in other cases have afforded the inspiration, including the terminology of knighthood, for many of the important present-day social, fraternal, and philanthropic orders of Europe and America. Among these are the Knights Templar, which is "claimed to be a lineal descendant" of the Crusade order of similar name; the Knights of Pythias, founded in 1864; and the Knights of Columbus, founded in 1882 (quotation and dates from Webster's New International Dictionary, Second Edition, 1934, p. 1370).

The third body of medieval military-religious Crusaders was the Knighthood of the Teutonic Order. This organization was founded as a hospital in the winter of 1190-91 — according to tradition, on a small ship which had been pulled ashore near Acre. Its services came to be so highly regarded that in March, 1198, "the great men of the army and the [Latin] Kingdom raised the brethren of the German Hospital of St. Mary to the rank of an Order of Knights" (Encyc. Brit., Vol. XXI, pp. 983-984). Soon, however, the Order found that "its true work lay on the Eastern frontiers of Germany" (Encyc. Brit., Vol. XXI, p. 894). Invited by a Christian Polish Prince (1226) to help against the still unconverted Prussians, a body of knights sailed down the Vistula establishing blockhouses and pushed eastward to found Koenigsburg in 1255. In 1274, a castle was established at Marienburg and in 1309 the headquarters of the Grand Master was transferred (Encyc. Brit., Vol. XIV, p. 886) from Venice to this remote border city on the Nojat River, an eastern outlet of the Vistula (The Rise of Brandenburg-Prussia to 1786, by Sidney Bradshaw Fay, Henry Holt and Company, New York, 1937).

It was to the Teutonic Order that the Knight of Chaucer's famous Canterbury Tales belonged (Sections from Chaucer, edited by Clarence Griffin Child, D. C. Heath & Co., Boston, 1912, p. 150). Chaucer's lines (prologue to the Canterbury Tales, II., 52-53):

Ful ofte tyme he hadde the bord bigonne Aboven alle naciouns in Pruce

tell us that this Knight occupied the seat of Grand Master, presumably at the capital, Marienburg, and presided over Knights from the various nations assembled in "Puce" (Prussia) to hold the pagan East at bay. In his military-religious capacity Chaucer's

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Knight "fought for our faith" in fifteen battles, including those in Lithuania and in Russia (Prologue, II., 54-63).

The Teutonic Knights soon drove eastward, or converted to Christianity, the sparsely settled native Prussian people, and assumed sovereignty over East Prussia. They encouraged the immigration of German families of farmers and artisans, and their domain on the south shore of the Baltic became a self-contained German state, outside the Holy Roman Empire. The boundaries varied, at one time reaching the Gulf of Finland (see Historical Atlas, by William R. Shepherd, Henry Holt and Company, New York, 1911, maps 77, 79, 87, 99, 119). "The hundred years from 1309 to 1409 were the Golden Age of the Teutonic Knights. Young nobles from all over Europe found no greater honor than to come out and fight under their banner and be knighted by their Grand Master" (Fay, op. cit., pp. 32-33). As the years passed, the function of the Teutonic Knights as defenders, or potential defenders, of the Christian West remained unchanged.

Those who founded the Teutonic Order on the hospital ship in Palestine spoke German and from the beginning most of the members were from the various small states into which in medieval times the German people were divided. As the Crusading spirit waned in Europe, fewer Knights were drawn from far-off lands and a correspondingly larger number were recruited from nearby German kingdoms, duchies, and other autonomies.

Meanwhile, to Brandenburg, a neighbor state to the west of the Teutonic Order domain, the Emperor Sigismund sent as ruler Prederick of Hohenzollern and five years later made him hereditary elector. "A new era of prosperity, good government, and princely power began with the arrival of the Hohenzollerns in Brandenburg in the summer of 1412" (Fay, op. cit., pp. 7-9).

After its Golden Age, the Teutonic Order suffered from a lack of religious motivation, since all nearby peoples including the Lithuanians had been converted. It suffered, too, from poor administration and from military reverses. To strengthen their position, especially against Poland, the Knights elected Albert of Hohenzollern, a cousin of the contemporary elector Joachim I (rule, 1499-1535), as Grand Master in 1511. Unlike Chaucer's Knight, a lay member who was the father of a promising son, Albert was a clerical member of the Teutonic Order. He and his elector cousin were both great grandsons of Frederick, the first Hohenzollern elector (Fay, op. cit., Passim).

In most German states in the first quarter of the sixteenth century, "things were not right," "there was discontent deep in men's hearts," and "existing powers," ecclesiastical as well as lay, "Abused their trust." The quoted phrases are from an essay, "Luther and the Modern Mind" (The Catholic World, October 1946) by Dr. Thomas P. Neill, who continues:

This was the stage on which Luther appeared when he nailed his ninety-five theses to the church door at Wittenberg on Halloween of 1517. The Catholic Church had come on sorry days, and had there been no Luther there would likely have been a successful revolt anyway. But there was a Luther.

The posting of the famous "ninety-five theses" by Martin Luther foreshadowed his break, complete and final by the spring of 1522, with the Church of Rome. Since the church in Germany was temporarily at a low ebb, as shown by Dr. Neill, Luther's controversy with its authorities won him "the sympathy and support of a large proportion of his countrymen" (Encyc. Brit., Vol. XIV, p. 944).

The outcome was a new form of Christianity, known later as Protestantism, which made quick headway among North Germans and East Germans. Its adherents included many Teutonic Knights, and their German chief was interested. Still nominally a follower of the Church of Rome, Albert visited Luther at Wittenberg in 1523. "Luther advised: 'Give up your vow as a monk; take a wife; abolish the order; and make yourself hereditary Duke of Prussia.' " (Fay, op. cit., p. 38). The advice was taken.

Thus since a large proportion of its members and its chief had embraced Protestantism, the Knighthood severed its slender tie with the Church of Rome. In the words of the Encyclopedia Britannica (Vol. I, p. 522), "Albert of Hohenzollern, last Grand Master of the Teutonic Order" became "first Duke of Prussia."

In this manner the honorable and historic heritage of extending Christianity in the lands south of the Baltic passed from a military-religious order to a Germany duchy. Prussia and not the Teutonic Order now governed the strategically vital shore land of the southeast Baltic, between the Niemen and Vital shore land of the southeast Baltic, between the Niemen and Vistula rivers.

Proud of their origin as a charitable organization and proud of being a bulwark of Christianity, first Catholic and then Protestant, the people of Prussia, many of them descended from the lay knights, developed a "strong sense of duty and loyalty." From them came also "many of the generals and statesmen who helped to make Prussia great ..." (Fay, op. cit., p. 2)

This duchy of Prussia was united with Brandenburg in 1618 by the marriage of Anna, daughter and heiress of the second Duke of Prussia, to the elector, John Sigismund (Hohenzollern). Under the latter's grandson, Frederick William, the "Great Elector" (reign, 1640-1688), Brandenburg-Prussia became second only to Austria among the member states of the Holy Roman Empire some of its territory, acquired from the Teutonic Order, extending even beyond the loose confederation and it was "regarded as the head of German Protestantism." (Encyc. Brit., Vol. IV, p. 33  and passim).

By an edict of the Holy Roman Emperor, the state of Brandenburg-Prussia became the kingdom of Prussia in 1701; the royal capital was Berlin, which was in the heart of the old province of Brandenburg. Under Frederick the Great (reign, 1740-1768), Prussia became one of the most highly developed nations of Europe. A century later, it was the principal component of the German Empire which the Minister-President of Prussia, Otto von Bismarck, caused to be proclaimed in the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles (January 18, 1871).

Prussia's historic function, inherited from the Teutonic Order of standing as a bastion on the Baltic approach to Europe, was never fully forgotten by the west. The Hohenzollern monarchy was the strongest Protestant power on the continent and its relations with the governments of both England and America were intimate and friendly. The royal family of England several

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times married into the Prussian dynasty. Frederick William II of Brandenburg-Prussia, later to be Frederick, first King of Prussia (see preceding paragraph) helped William of England of Orange, the archenemy of Louis XIV of France, to land in England, where he became (1688) co-sovereign with his wife, Mary Stuart, and a friend and helper of the American colonies. It was a Prussian Baron, Frederick William von Steuben, whom General George Washington made Inspector General (May, 1778), responsible 1815 Prussian troops under Field Marshal von Bluecher helped save Wellington's England from Napoleon. In 1902 Prince Henry of Prussia, brother of the German Emperor, paid a state visit to the United States and received at West Point, Annapolis, Washington, and elsewhere, as royal a welcome as was ever accorded to a foreign visitor by the government of the United States. The statue of Frederick the Great, presented in appreciation, stood in front of the main building of the Army War College in Washington during two wars between the countrymen of Frederick of Hohenzollen and the countrymen George Washington, an evidence in bronze of the old Western view that fundamental relationships between peoples should survive the temporary disturbances occasioned by wars.

The friendly relationships between the United States and Germany existed not only on the governmental level but were cemented by close racial kinship. Not only is the basic blood stream of persons of English descent very nearly identical with that of Germans; in addition, nearly a fourth of the Americans of the early twentieth century were actually of German descent (Chapter IV, below).

Thus, in the early years of the twentieth century the American people admired Germany. It was a strong nation, closely akin; and it was a Christian land, part Protestant and part Catholic, as America had been part Catholic since the Cavaliers left to Virginia and the Puritans to New England. Moreover, the old land of the Teutonic Knights led the world in music, in medicine, and in scholarship. The terms Prussia and Prussian, Germany and German had a most favorable connotation.

Then came World War I (1914), in which Britain and France and their allies were opposed to Germany and her allies. Since the citizens of the United States admired all three nations they were stunned at the calamity of such a conflict and were slow in taking sides. Finally (1917), and to some extent because of the pressure of American Zionists (Chapter III, below), we joined the Entente group, which included Britain and France. The burden of a great war was accepted by the people, even with some enthusiasm on the Atlantic seaboard, for according to our propagandists it was a war to end all wars. It was pointed out, too, that Britain among the world's great nations was closest to us in language and culture, and that France had been traditionally a friend since the Marquis of Lafayette and the Count of Rochambeau aided General Washington.

With a courage fanned by the newly perfected science of propaganda, the American people threw themselves heart and soul into defeating Germany in the great "war to end all wars." The blood-spilling the greatest in all history and between men of kindred race was ended by an armistice on November 11, 1918, and the American people entertained high hopes for lasting peace. Their hopes, however, were soon to fade away. With differing viewpoints, national and personal, and with the shackles of suddenly revealed secret agreement between co-belligerents. President Woodrow Wilson, Prime Minister David Lloyd George, Premier Georges Clemenceau of France, and Prime Minister Vittorio Orlando of Italy had much difficulty in agreeing on the terms of peace treaties (1919), the merits or shortcomings of which cannot in consequence be fully chalked up to any one of them.

It remains indisputable, however, that in what they agreed to in the treaty made with Germany at Versailles (June 28, 1919) and in the treaty made with Austria at St. Germain (September 10, 1919) the four American delegates, dominated by President Wilson, departed at least to some extent from our tradition of humane treatment of a defeated enemy. The heavily populated German nation was deprived of much territory, including vital mineral areas and a "Polish Corridor" which, under the terms of the treaty, separated the original duchy of Prussia from the rest of the country. Germany was deprived also of its merchant fleet and was saddled with an impossible load of reparations. As a consequence, the defeated country was left in a precarious position which soon produced an economic collapse. The Austro Hungarian Empire, ancient outpost of the Teutonic peoples and of Western Christian civilization on the Danube Valley invasion route from Asia, was destroyed at St. Germain. The result was the serious general economic dislocation to be expected from the collapse of an imperial government, and the inevitable dire distress to the people, especially in the capital city of Vienna (population over 2,000,000), which was left with little sustaining territory, except scenic and historic mountains. Moreover, although Austro-Hungary was broken up under the theory that its people should be put into small pigeon-hole nations on racial and linguistic considerations, the new Czechoslovakia state was given 3,500,000 persons of German blood and speech.

In this treatment of Germany and Austria our leaders not merely set up conditions conducive to the extreme distress of millions of people; they also by those same conditions flouted the recognized principles of sound military and national policy, for the strategic use of victory demands that the late enemy be drawn into the victor's orbit as friend and ally. As one example of the strategic use of victory, our War of 1812, with Britain, was followed by an earnest bilateral effort at the solution of mutual problems by the Monroe Doctrine (1823) in the field of international relations, and by the crumbling of unused forts on the U.S. Canadian border. As a second example, Britain's war with South Africa, which ended in 1902, was followed by such humanity and fairness that a defeated people, different in speech and culture, became an ally instead of an enemy in the great war which began only twelve years later in 1914.

The crash in Germany came in 1923, when German money lost its value. There was terrible suffering among the people everywhere and especially in the cities and industrial areas. As the mark's purchasing power approached zero, a widow would realize from her husband's life insurance "just enough to buy a meal" ("Inflation Concerns Everyone," by Samuel B. Pettengill, Reader's Digest, October, 1951). "Berlin in 1923 was a city of despair. People waited in the alley behind the Hotel Adlon ready to pounce on garbage cans immediately they were placed outside the hotels kitchen." A cup of coffee "cost one million marks one

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day, a million and a half the next and two million the day following" (Drew Pearson, March 22, 1951).

In hunger and desperation, many Germans blamed their troubles on Jews, whom they identified with Communism. "The fact that certain Jews, such as Kurt Eisner, Toller, and Levine, had been leaders of Communist Movements [1918, 1919] ... gave the conservatives the opportunity of proclaiming that the Jews were responsible for the national misfortunes and disorders" (Universal Jewish Encyclopedia, Vol. I, pp. 366,367). The German attitude was intensified by the new power German Jews acquired in the terrible year 1923 from using funds derived from rich race-conscious Jews in other countries and by an inrush of Jews from the destroyed Austro-Hungarian Empire and from the East. "Some of those Eastern European Jews took an active part in the speculation which was rampant in Germany because of the unstable currency and the shortage of commodities" (America's Second Crusade, by William Henry Chamberlin, Henry Regnery Company, 1950, pp. 30, 31). The influx from the East had also the effect of reviving the viewpoint of certain earlier Germans that Jews were not assimilable but were really invaders. "In 1880 the learned but fanatical Professor Treitschke's phrase, 'Die Juden sind unser Unglueck' [The Jews are our misfortune], gained currency all through the German empire" (H. Graetz, Popular History of the Jews, Vol. VI, by Max Raisin, The Jordan Publishing Co., New York, 1935, p. 162). Also, "according to Grattenauer's Wider die Juden (1803), the Jews of Germany were, as early as that period, regarded as 'Asiatic Immigrants' " (Univ. Jew. Encyc., Vol. I, p 341).

This fateful German-Jewish tension was destined to have a major role in the history of the United States, and will be dealt with further in subsequent chapters.

The Immediate result of the events of 1923 was an increase of Jewish power in the Reich. "Bled white" in World War I, like Britain and France, Germany bent to its economic tragedy without significant resistance, but the resentment of the people at being starved and humiliated (as they believed) by a minority of less than one percent smoldered like live coals awaiting almost any fanning into flame. Our usual helping hand so generously extended in the Japanese earthquake tragedy of 1923 and in other calamities — was withheld, while this small group increased its control (for some idea of the extent of the control by Jews in the city of Berlin five years after Hitler assumed power, see the Reader's Digest for May, 1938, p. 126).

After 1919, anti-German propaganda in the United States did not cease, as was strategically desirable, but was continued unremittingly in the press and by the new opinion-controlling medium, the radio. Americans were taught to hate Germany and Germans and to loathe Prussia and Prussians, not any longer as a war-time "psychological" attack, but as a permanent attitude.

The task of the propagandists was made easier by the appearance on the world's stage (1933) of the demagogue Adolph Hitler, whose assumption of the combined offices of Chancellor and President of Germany (Chapter IV, below), under the alien and repugnant title of "Fuehrer," shocked the sensibilities of the American people who were accustomed to a Republican form of government with the still effective checks and balances of the Legislative, Executive, and Judicial branches.

In 1936, Britain was making efforts to establish workable arrangements with Germany. Symbolically, and with much publicity, a thousand German war veterans were entertained in England by a thousand British war veterans. A naval ratio, most favorable to Britain, had been agreed upon. The President of the United States, Franklin D. Roosevelt, had in his first year of office (1933) recognized the Communist Government of Russia (Chapter III, below), but was otherwise "isolationist" in his general attitude toward Europe. Then on October 5, 1937, in Chicago, he made an about-face (Chapter IV, below), in his famous "Quarantine" speech against Germany. Though his sudden "fears" had no foundation in facts—as known then or as discovered later—our policy was charted, and England, forced to a decision, became a partner in our anti-German action. With no enthusiasm, such as was generated in 1919, the American people soon found themselves (December, 1941) involved in a second and even more frightful World War against two of our former allies, Japan and Italy, and against our World War I opponent, Germany (see Chapters IV and V, below).

The propagandists against Germany and the German people did not cease, however, with Hitler's defeat and death (1945) and the resultant effacement of his government and his policies. After Hitler, as before Hitler, these propagandists did not allow the American public to realize the strategic fact that a country like an individual needs friends and that a permanent destructive attitude toward a nation because of a former ruler is as stupid, for instance, as a hatred for the people of an American state because of an unpopular ex-governor.

Thus, instead of correcting our error of 1919 and making certain at the end of World War II to draw a properly safeguarded but humanely treated Germany definitely into our orbit, we adopted in 1945 an intensified policy of hate, denied the Germans a peace treaty more than six years after the suspension of active warfare, and took additional steps (Chapters IV, VI, and VIII, below) which could have had no other purpose — concealed of course, even from some of those who furthered it — than the final destruction of Germany.

Woodrow Wilson, despite the terrible and still largely undocumented pressures upon him, had at least preserved Prussia at the close of World War I. Franklin Roosevelt, however, tossed it from his failing hands to the minority (see Chapter II) who, with converts to their Marxist concept of statism, had succeeded the Romanov Czars as masters of Russia. With Malta lost in 1798 and Prussia destroyed in 1945, the temporal state-structures of the Crusaders and their successors ceased to exist.

Under the preaching of Urban II, most of the Western World had developed a frenzy of unity; under Roosevelt II, or rather under those who manipulated him, it did so again. The goal this time, however, was not the defense of Europe or the rescue of the tomb of Christ; the goal, on the contrary, was a monstrous surrender of the Western heritage of Christian civilization. Yes, it was actually the United States of America which was mainly responsible for destroying the successor state to the Teutonic Knights and for delivering the ruins, with the hegemony of Europe, to the Soviet Union, The new Communist power of our creation.

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The facts outlined in this chapter have — as will be shown in following chapters — a significant bearing on the present mid-century world struggle between Communism and Western Christian civilizations.

Chapter II RUSSIA AND THE KHAZARS

Having traced the Knighthood of the Teutonic Order from its origin to its dissolution as a military-religious brotherhood, and having noted the development of successor sovereignties down to the obliteration of Prussia in 1945, we must turn back more than a thousand years, to examine another thread — a scarlet one— in the tangled skein of European history.

In the later years of the dimly recorded first millennium of the Christian era, Slavic people of several kindred tribes occupied the land which became known later as the north central portion of European Russia. South of them between the Don and Volga rivers and north of the lofty Caucasus Mountains lived a people known to history as Khazars (Ancient Russia, by George Vernadsky, Yale University Press, 1943, p. 214). These people had been driven westward from Central Asia and entered Europe by the corridor between the Ural Mountains and the Caspian Sea. They found a land occupied by primitive pastoral people of a score or more of tribes, a land which lay beyond the boundaries of the Roman Empire at its greatest extent under Trajan (ruled, 98-117 A.D.), and also beyond the boundaries of the Byzantine Empire (395-1453). By slow stages the Khazars extended their territory eventually to the Sea of Azov and the adjacent littoral of the Black Sea. The Khazars were apparently a people of mixed stock with Mongol and Turkic affinities. "Around the year 600, a Belligerent tribe of half-Mongolian people, similar to the modern Turks, conquered the territory of what is now Southern Russia. Before long the kingdom [khanate] of the Khazars, as this tribe was known, stretched from the Caspian to the Black Sea. Its capital, Ityl, was at the mouth of the Volga River" (A History of the Jews, by Solomon Grayzel, Philadelphia, The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1947).

In the eighth or ninth century of our era, a khakan (or chagan, roughly equivalent to tribal chief or primitive king) of the Khazars wanted a religion for his pagan people. Partly, perhaps, because of incipient tension between Christians and the adherents of the new Mohammedan faith (Mohammed died in 632), and partly because of fear of becoming subject to the power of the Byzantine emperor or the Islamic caliph (Ancient Russia, p.291), he adopted a form of the Jewish religion at a date generally placed at c. 741 A.D., but believed by Vernadsky to be as late as 865. According to the Universal Jewish Encyclopedia (Vol. VI, pp. 375-377), this chieftain, probable Bulan, "called upon the representatives of Judaism, Christianity and Mohammedanism to expound their doctrines before him. This discussion convinced him that the Jewish faith was the most preferable, and he decided to embrace it. Thereupon he and about 4,000 Khazars were circumcised; it was only by degrees that the Jewish teachings gained a foothold among the population."

In his History of the Jews (The Jewish Publication Society of America, Vol. III, 1894, pp.140-141), Professor H. Graetz gives further details:

A successor of Bulan, who bore the Hebrew name of Obadiah, was the first to make serious efforts to further the Jewish religion. He invited Jewish sages to settle in his dominions, rewarded them royally, founded synagogues and schools ... caused instruction to be given to himself and his people in the Bible and the Talmud, and introduced a divine service modeled on the ancient communities.

After Obadiah came a long series of Jewish chagans, for according to a fundamental law of the state only Jewish rulers were permitted to ascend the throne.

The significance of the term "ancient communities" cannot be here explained. For a suggestion of the "incorrect exposition" and the "tasteless misrepresentations" with which the Bible, i.e., the Old Testament, was presented through the Talmud, see below in this chapter, the extensive quotation from Professor Graetz.

Also in the Middle Ages, Viking warriors, according to Russian tradition by invitation, pushed from the Baltic area into the low hills west of Moscow. Archaeological discoveries show that at one time or another these Northmen penetrated almost all areas south of Lake Ladoga and West of the Kama and Lower Volga rivers. Their earliest, and permanent, settlements were north and east of the West Dwina River, in the Lake Ilmen area. and between the Upper Volga and Oka rivers, at whose junction they soon held the famous trading post of Nizhni-Novgorod (Ancient Russia, p. 267).

These immigrants from the North and West were principally "the 'Russ' — a Varangian tribe in ancient annals considered as related to the Swedes, Angles, and Northmen" (Encyclopedia Britannica, Vol. XIX, p. 712). From the local Slavic tribes, they organized (c. 862) a state, known subsequently from their name as Russia, which embraced the territory of the upper Volga and Dnieper rivers and reached down the latter river to the Black Sea (An Introduction to Old Norse, by E. V. Gordon, Oxford University Press, 1927, map between pp. xxiv-xxv) and to the Crimea. Russ and Slav were of related stock and their languages, though quite different, had common Indo-Germanic origin. They accepted Christianity as their religion. "Greek Orthodox missionaries, sent to Russ [i.e. "Russia"] in the 860's baptized so many people that shortly after this a special bishop was sent to care for their needs" (A History of the Ukraine, by Michael Hrushevsky, Yale University Press, 1941, p. 65).

The "Rus" (or "Russ") were absorbed into the Slav population which they organized into statehood. The people of the new
state devoted themselves energetically to consolidating their territory and extending its boundaries. From the Khazars, who had
extended their power up the Dnieper Valley, they took Kiev, which "was an important trading center even before becoming, in the
10th cent., the capital of a large recently Christianized state" (Universal Jewish Encyclopedia, Vol. VI, p. 381). Many Varangians
(Rus) had settled among the Slavs in this area (the Ukraine), and Christian Kiev became the seat of an enlightened Westward-
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looking dynasty, whose members married into several European royal houses, including that of France.

The Slavs, especially those in the area now known as the Ukraine, were engaged in almost constant warfare with the Khazars and finally, by 1016 A.D., destroyed the Khazar government and took a large portion of Khazar territory. For the gradual shrinking of the Khazar territory and the development of Poland, Lithuania, the Grand Duchy of Moscow, and other Slavic states, see the pertinent maps in Historical Atlas, by William R. Shepherd (Henry Holt and Company, New York, 1911). Some of the subjugated Khazars remained in the Slav-held lands their khakans had long ruled, and others "migrated to Kiev and other parts of Russia" (Universal Jewish Encyclopedia, Vol. VI, p. 377), probably to a considerable extent because of the dislocations wrought by the Mongols under Genghis Khan (1162-1227), who founded in and beyond the old Khazar khanate the short-lived khanate of the Golden Horde. The Judaized Khazars underwent further dispersion both northwestward into Lithuanian and Polish areas and also within Russia proper and the Ukraine. In 1240 in Kiev "the Jewish community was uprooted, its surviving members finding refuge in towns further west" (Univ. Jew. Encyc., Vol.VI, p. 382) along with the fleeing Russians, when the capital fell to the Mongol soldiers of Batu, the nephew of Genghis Khan. A short time later many of these expelled Jews returned to Kiev. Migrating thus, as some local power impelled them, the Khazar Jews became widely distributed in Western Russia. Into the Khazar khanate there had been a few Jewish immigrants — rabbis, traders, refugees — but the people of the Kievan Russian state did not facilitate the entry of additional Jews into their territory. The rulers of the Grand Duchy of Moscow also sought to exclude Jews from areas under its control. "From its earliest times the policy of the Russian government was that of complete exclusion of the Jews from its territories" (Univ. Jew. Encyc. Vol. I, p. 384). For instance, "Ivan IV [reign, 1533-1584] refused to allow Jewish merchants to travel in Russia" (op. cit., Vol. I, p.384).

Relations between Slavs and the Judaized Khazars in their midst were never happy. The reasons were not racial — for the Slavs had absorbed many minorities — but were ideological. The rabbis sent for by Khakan Obadiah were educated in and were zealots for the Babylonian Talmud, which after long labors by many hands had been completed on December 2, 499. In the thousands of synagogues which were built in the Khazar khanate, the imported rabbis and their successors were in complete control of the political, social, and religious thought of their people. So significant was the Babylonian Talmud as the principal cause of Khazar resistance to Russian efforts to end their political and religious separatism, and so significant also are the modern sequels, including those in the United States, that an extensive quotation on the subject from the great History of the Jews, by Professor H. Graetz (Vol. II, 1893, pp. 631 ff.) is here presented:

The Talmud must not be regarded as an ordinary work, composed of twelve volumes; it possesses absolutely no similarity to any other literary production, but forms, without any figure of speech, a works of its own, which must be judged by its peculiar laws ...

The Talmud contains much that is frivolous of which it treats with great gravity and seriousness; it further reflects the various superstitious practices and views of its Persian birthplace which presume the efficacy of demoniacal medicines, of magic, incantations, miraculous cures, and interpretations of dreams ... It also contains isolated instances of uncharitable judgments and decrees against the members of other nations and religions, and finally it favors an incorrect exposition of the scriptures, accepting, as it does, tasteless misrepresentations.

More than six centuries lie petrified in the Talmud ... Small wonder then, that... the sublime and the common, the great and the small, the grave and the ridiculous, the altar and the ashes, the Jewish and the heathenish, be discovered side by side . ..

The Babylonian Talmud is especially distinguished from the Jerusalem or Palestine Talmud by the flights of thought, the penetration of mind, the flashes of genius, which rise and vanish again ... It was for this reason that the Babylonian rather than the Jerusalem Talmud became the fundamental possession of the Jewish race, its life breath, its very soul ... nature and mankind, powers and events, were for the Jewish nation insignificant, non-essential, a mere phantom; the only true reality was the Talmud.

Not merely educated by the Talmud but actually living the life of its Babylonian background, which they may have regarded with increased devotion because most of the Jews of Mesopotamia had embraced Islam, the rabbi-governed Khazars had no intention whatever of losing their identity by becoming Russianized or Christian. The intransigent attitude of the rabbis was increased by their realization that their power would be lost if their people accepted controls other than Talmudic. These controls by rabbis were responsible not only for basic mores, but for such externals as the peculiarities of dress and hair. It has been frequently stated by writers on the subject that the "ghetto" was the work not of Russians or other Slavs but of rabbis.

As time passed, it came about that these Khazar people of mixed non-Russian stock, who hated the Russians and lived under Babylonian Talmudic law, became known in the western world, from their place of residence and their legal-religious code, as Russian Jews.

In Russian lands after the fall of Kiev in 1240, there was a period of dissension and disunity. The struggle with the Mongols and other Asiatic khanates continued and from them the Russians learned much about effective military organization. Also, as the Mongols had not overrun Northern and Western Russia (Shepherd, op. cit., Map 77), there was a background for the resistance and counter-offensive which gradually eliminated the invaders. The capital of reorganized Russia was no longer Kiev But Moscow (hence the terms Moscovy and Muscovite). In 1613 the Russian nobles (boyars), desired a more stable government than they had had, and elected as their czar a boy named Michael Romanov, whose veins carried the blood of the grand dukes of Kiev and the grand dukes of Moscow.

Under the Romanovs of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, there was no change in attitude toward the Judaized Khazars, who scorned Russian civilization and stubbornly refused to enter the fold of Christianity. "Peter the Great [reign, 1682-1725] spoke of the Jews as 'rogues and cheats' "(Popular History of the Jews, by H. Graetz, New York, The Jordan Publishing

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Co., 1919, 1935, Vol. VI by Max Raisin, p. 89). "Elizabeth [reign, 1741-1762] expressed her attitude in the sentence: 'From the enemies of Christ, I desire neither gain nor profit' “(Univ. Jew. Encyc., Vol. I, p. 384).

Under the Romanov dynasty (1613-1917) many members of the Russian upper classes were educated in Germany, and the Russian nobility, already partly Scandinavian by blood, frequently married Germans or other Western Europeans. Likewise many of the Romanovs, themselves — in fact all of them who ruled in the later years of the dynasty — married into Western families. Prior to the nineteenth century the two occupants of the Russian throne best known in world history were Peter I, the Great, and Catherine II, the Great. The former — who in 1703 gave Russia its "West window," St. Petersburg, later known as Petrograd and recently as Leningrad — chose as his consort and successor on the throne as Catherine I, [reign, 1725-1727], a captured Marienburg (Germany) servant girl whose mother and father were respectively a Lithuanian peasant woman and a Swedish dragoon. Catherine II, the Great, was a German princess who was proclaimed reigning Empress of Russia after her husband, the ineffective Czar Peter III, "subnormal in mind and physique" (Encyc. Brit., Vol. V, p. 37), left St. Petersburg. During her thirty-four years as Empress, Catherine, by studying such works as Blackstone's Commentaries, and by correspondence with such illustrious persons as Voltaire, F. M. Grimm, Frederick the Great, Dederot, and Maria-Theresa of Austria, kept herself in contact with the West (Encyc. Brit., Vol. XIX, p. 718 and passim). She chose for her son, weak like his father and later the "madman" Czar Paul I [reign, 1796-1801], a German wife.

The nineteenth century czars were Catherine the Great's grandson, Alexander I [reign, 1801-1825 — German wife]; his brother, Nicholas I [reign, 1825-1855 — German wife, a Hoenzollern]; his son Alexander II [reign 1855-1881- German wife]; and his son Alexander III [reign, 1881-1894 — Danish wife]; his son, Nicholas II [reign, 1894-1917 — German wife], who was murdered with his family (1918) after the Communists seized power (1917) in Russia.

Though many of the Romanovs, including Peter I and Catherine II, had far from admirable characters — a fact well advertised in American books on the subject — and though some of them including Nicholas II were not able rulers, a general purpose of the dynasty was to give their land certain of the advantages of Western Europe. In the West they characteristically sought alliances with one country or another, rather than ideological penetration.

Like, their Slavic overlords, the Judaized Khazars of Russia had various relationships with Germany. Their numbers from time to time, as during the Crusades, received accretions from the Jewish communities in Germany — principally into Poland and other areas not yet Russian; many of the ancestors of these people, however, had previously entered Germany from Slavic lands. More interesting than these migrations was the importation from Germany of an idea conceived by a prominent Jew of solving century-old tension between native majority population and the Jews in their midst. In Germany, while Catherine the Great was Empress of Russia, a Jewish scholar and philosopher named Moses Mendelssohn (1729-1786) attracted wide and favorable attention among non-Jews and a certain following among Jews. His conception of the barrier between Jew and non-Jew, as analyzed by Grayzel (op. cit., p. 543), was that the "Jews had erected about themselves a mental ghetto to balance the physical ghetto around them." Mendelssohn's objective was to lead the Jews "out of this mental ghetto into the wide world of general culture — without, however, doing harm to their specifically Jewish culture." The movement received the name Haskalah, which may be rendered as "enlightenment." Among other things, Mendelssohn wished Jews in Germany to learn the German language.

The Jews of Eastern Europe had from early days used corrupted versions of local vernaculars, written in the Hebrew alphabet (see "How Yiddish Came to be," Grayzel, op. cit., p. 456), just as the various vernaculars of Western Europe were written in the Latin alphabet, and to further his purpose Mendelssohn translated the Pentateuch — Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy — into standard German, using however, the accepted Hebrew alphabet (Grayzel, op. cit., p. 543). Thus in one stroke he led his readers a step toward Westernization by the use of the German Language and by offering them, instead of the Babylonian Talmud, a portion of scripture recognized by both Jew and Christian.

The Mendelssohn views were developed in Russia in the nineteenth century, notably by Isaac Baer Levinsohn (1788-1860), the "Russian Mendelssohn." Levinsohn was a scholar who, with Abraham Harkavy, delved into a field of Jewish history little known in the West, namely "the settlement of Jews in Russia and their vicissitudes during the dark ages ... Levinsohn was the first to express the opinion that the Russian Jews hailed not from Germany, as is commonly supposed, but from the banks of the Volga. This hypothesis, corroborated by tradition, Harkavy established as a fact" (The Haskalah Movement in Russia, by Jacob S. Raisin, Philadelphia, The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1913, 1914, p. 17).

The reigns of the nineteenth century Czars showed a fluctuation of attitudes toward the Jewish "state within a state" (The Haskalah Movement, p. 43). In general, Nicholas I had been less lenient than Alexander I toward his intractable non-Christian minority, but he took an immediate interest in the movement endorsed by the highly respected Levinsohn, for he saw in "Haskalah" an opportunity for possibly breaking down the separatism of the Judaized Khazars. He put in charge of the project of opening hundreds of Jewish schools a brilliant young Jew, Dr. Max Lilienthal. From its beginning, however, the Haskalah movement had had bitter opposition among Jews in Germany — many of whom, including the famous Moses Hess (Graetz-Raisin, op. cit., Vol. VI,. pp. 371 ff.), became ardent Jewish nationalists — and in Russia the opposition was fanatical. "The great mass of Russian Jewry was devoid of all secular learning, steeped in fanaticism, and given to superstitious practices" (Graetz-Raisin, op. cit., Vol. VI, p. 112), and their leaders, for the most part, had no notion of tolerating a project which would lessen or destroy their control. These leaders believed correctly that the new education was designed to lessen the authority of the Talmud, which was the cause, as the Russians saw it, "of the fanaticism and corrupt morals of the Jews." The leaders of the Jews also saw that the new schools were a way "to bring the Jews closer to the Russian people and the Greek church" (Graetz-Raisin, op. cit., Vol. VI, p. 116). According to Raisin, "the millions of Russian Jews were averse to having the government interfere with their

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inner and spiritual life" by "foisting upon them its educational measures. The soul of Russian Jewry sensed the danger lurking in the imperial scheme" (op. cit., p. 117). Lilienthal was in their eyes "a traitor and informer," and in 1845, to recover a modicum of prestige with his people, he "shook the dust of bloody Russia from his feet" (Graetz-Raisin, op. cit., Vol. VI, p. 117). Thus the Haskalah movement failed in Russia to break down the separatism of the Judaized Khazars.

When Nicholas I died, his son Alexander II [reign, 1855-1881] decided to try a new way of winning the Khazar minority to willing citizenship in Russia. He granted his people, including the Khazars, so many liberties that he was called the "Czar Liberator."

By irony, or nemesis, however, his "liberal regime" contributed substantially to the downfall of Christian Russia. Despite the ill-success of his Uncle Alexander's "measures to effect the 'betterment' of the 'obnoxious' Jewish element" (Univ. Jew. Encyc. Vol. I, p. 384), he ordered a wholesale relaxation of oppressive and restraining regulations (Graetz-Raisin, op. cit., p. 124) and Jews were free to attend all schools and universities and to travel without restrictions. The new freedom led, however, to results the "Liberator" had not anticipated.

Educated, and free at last to organize nationally, the Judaized Khazars in Russia became not merely an indigestible mass in the body politic, the characteristic "state within a state," but a formidable anti-government force. With non-Jews of nihilistic or other radical tendencies — the so-called Russian "intelligentsia" — they sought in the first instance to further their aims by assassinations (Modern European History, by Charles Downer Hazen, Holt, New York, p. 565). Alexander tried to abate the hostility of the "terrorists" by granting more and more concessions, but on the day the last concessions were announced "a bomb was thrown at his carriage. The carriage was wrecked, and many of his escorts were injured. Alexander escaped as by a miracle, but a second bomb exploded near him as he was going to aid the injured. He was horribly mangled, and died within an hour. Thus perished the Czar Liberator" (Modern European History, p. 567).

Some of those involved in earlier attempts to assassinate Alexander II were of Jewish Khazar background (see The Anarchists by Ernest Alfred Vizetelly, John Lane, London and New York, 1911, p. 66). According to the Universal Jewish Encyclopedia, the "assassination of Alexander II in which a Jewess had played a part" revived a latent "anti-Semitism." Resentful of precautions taken by the murdered Czar's son and successor, Alexander III, and also possessing a new world plan, hordes of Jews, some of them highly educated in Russian universities, migrated to other European countries and to America. The emigration continued (see below) under Nicholas II. Many Jews remained in Russia, however, for "in 1913 the Jewish population of Russia amounted to 6,946,000 (Univ. Jew. Encyc., Vol. IX, p. 285).

Various elements of this restless aggressive minority nurtured the amazing quadruple aims of international Communism, the seizure of power in Russia, Zionism, and continued migration to America, with a fixed purpose to retain their nationalistic separatism. In many instances, the same individuals were participants in two or more phases of the four-fold objective.

Among the Jews who remained in Russia, which then included Lithuania, the Ukraine (A History of the Ukraine, Michael Hrushevsky, Yale University Press, 1941, passim), and much of Poland, were the founders of the Russian Bolshevik party:

In 1897 was founded the Bund, the union of Jewish workers in Poland and Lithuania ... They engaged in revolutionary activity upon a large scale, and their energy made them the spearhead of the Party (Article on "Communism" by Harold J. Laski, Encyc. Brit., Vol. III, pp 824-827).

The name Bolsheviki means majority (from Russian bolshe, the larger) and commemorates the fact that at the Brussels-London conference of the party in late 1902 and early 1903, the violent Marxist program of Lenin was adopted by a 25 to 23 vote, the less violent minority or "Mensheviki" Marxists fading finally from the picture after Stalin's triumph in October, 1917. It has been also stated that the term Bolshevik refers to the "larger" or more violent program of the majority faction. After (1918) the Bolsheviki called their organization the Communist Party.

The Zionist Jews were another group that laid its plan in Russia as a part of the new reorientation of Russian Jewry after the collapse of Haskalah and the assassination (1881) of Alexander II. "On November 6, 1884, for the first time in history, a Jewish international assembly was held at Kattowitz, near the Russian frontier, where representatives from all classes and different countries met and decided to colonize Palestine ..." (The Haskalah Movement in Russia, p. 285). For a suggestion of the solidarity of purpose between the Jewish Bund, which was the core of the Communist Party, and early Zionism, see Grayzel (op. cit., p. 662). "Henceforth a heightened sense of race-consciousness takes the place formerly held by religion and is soon to develop into a concrete nationalism with Zion as its goal" (Graetz-Raisin, Vol. p. 168).

In Russia and abroad in the late nineteenth century, not only Bundists but other Khazar Jews had been attracted to the writings of Karl Marx (1818-1883), partly, it seems, because he was Jewish in origin. "On both paternal and maternal sides Karl Marx was descended from rabbinical families" (Univ. Jew. Encyc., Vol. VII, p. 289).

The Marxian program of drastic controls, so repugnant to the free western mind, was no obstacle to the acceptance of Marxism by many Khazar Jews, for the Babylonian Talmud under which they lived had taught then to accept authoritarian dictation on everything from their immorality to their trade practices. Since the Talmud contained more than 12,000 controls, the regimentation of Marxism was acceptable — provided the Khazar politician, like the Talmudic rabbi, exercised the power of the dictatorship.

Under Nicholas II, there was no abatement of the regulations designed, after the murder of Alexander II, to curb the anti-government activities of Jews; consequently, the "reaction to those excesses was Jewish support of the Bolsheviks ..." (Univ. Jew. Encyc., Vol. I, p. 286.) The way to such support was easy since the predecessor organization of Russian Communism was the

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Jewish "Bund." Thus Marxian Communism, modified for expediency, became an instrument for the violent seizure of power. The Communist Jews, together with revolutionaries of Russian stock, were sufficiently numerous to give the venture a promise of success, if attempted at the right time. After the rout of the less violent faction in 1903, Lenis remained the leader.

The blow fell in the fateful year, 1917, when Russia was staggering under defeat by Germany — a year before Germany in turn staggered to defeat under the triple blows of Britain, France, and the United States. "The great hour of freedom struck on the 15th of March, 1917," when "Czar Nicholas's train was stopped" and he was told "that his rule was at an end ... Israel, in Russia, suddenly found itself lifted out of its oppression and degradation" (Graetz-Raisin, op. cit., Vol. VI, p. 209).

At this moment Lenin appeared on the scene, after an absence of nine years (Encyc. Brit., Vol. XIII, p. 912). The Germans, not realizing that he would be anything more than a trouble-maker for their World War I enemy, Russia, passed him and his party (exact number disputed — about 200?) in a sealed train from Switzerland to the Russian border. In Lenin's sealed train, "Out of a list of 165 names published, 23 are Russian, 3 Georgian, 4 Armenian, 1 German, and 128 Jewish" (The Surrender of an Empire, Nesta H. Webster, Boswell Printing and Publishing Company, Ltd., 10 Essex St., London, W.C.2, 1931, p. 77). "At about the same time, Trotsky arrived from the United States, followed by over 300 Jews from the East End of New York and joined up with the Bolshevik Party" (op. cit., p. 73).

Thus under Lenin, whose birth-name was Ulianov and whose racial antecedents are uncertain, and under Leon Trotsky, a Jew, whose birth -name was Bronstein, a small number of highly trained Jews from abroad, along with Russian Judaized Khazars and non-Jewish captives to the Marxian ideology, were able to make themselves masters of Russia. "Individual revolutionary leaders — and Sverdlov — played a conspicuous part in the revolution of November, 1917, which enabled the Bolshevists to take possession of the state apparatus" (Univ. Jew. Encyc., Vol. IX, p.668). Here and there in the Universal Jewish Encyclopedia other Jews are named as co-founders of Russian Communism, but not Lenin and Stalin. Both of these, however, are said by some writers to be half-Jewish. Whatever the racial antecedents of their top man, the first Soviet commissariats were largely staffed with Jews. The Jewish position in the Communist movement was well understood in Russia. "The White Armies which opposed the Bolshevik government linked Jews and Bolsheviks as common enemies" (Univ. Jew Encyc., Vol. I, p. 336).

Those interested in the ratio of Jews to others in the government in the early days of Communist rule in Russia should, if possible, see Les derniers jours des Romanof (The Last Days of the Romanovs) by Robert Wilton, long the Russian correspondent of the London Times. A summary of its vital passages is included in the "foreword to Third Edition" of The Mystical Body of Christ in the Modern World (Brown and Nolan , Limited Waterford, Dublin, Belfast, Cork, London, 1939, 1947) by Rev. Denis Fahey, a well-known Irish professor of philosophy and Church history. Professor Fahey gives names and nationality of the members of the Council of Peoples Commissars, the Central Executive Committee, and the Extraordinary Commissions, and in summary quotes from Wilton as follows:

According to the data furnished by the Soviet press, out of 556 important functionaries of the Bolshevik State ... there were in 1918-1919, 17 Russians, 2 Ukrainians, 11 Armenians, 35 Letts, 15 Germans, 1 Hungarian, 10 Georgians, 3 Poles, 3 Finns, 1 Karaim, 457 Jews.

As the decades passed by — after the fateful year 1917 — Judaized Khazars kept a firm hand on the helm of the government in the occupied land of Russia. In due time they built a bureaucracy to their hearts' desire. The government-controlled Communist press "issued numerous and violent denunciations of anti-Semitic episodes, either violence or discriminations." Also, "in 1935 a court ruled that anti-Semitism in Russia was a penal offense" (Univ. Jew Encyc., Vol. I, p. 386). Among top-flight leaders prominent in the middle of the twentieth century. Stalin, Kaganovich, Beria, Molotov, and Litvinoff all have Jewish blood, or are married to Jewesses. The latter circumstance should not be overlooked, because from Nero's Poppaea (Encyclopedia Italiana, Vol. XXVII, p. 932; also, The Works of Flavius Josephus, translated by William Whiston, David McKay , Philadelphia, n.d., pp. 8, 612, 616) to the Montreal chemist's woman friend in the Canadian atomic espionage trials (Report of the Royal Commission, Government Printing Office, Ottawa, Canada, 1946, $1.00) the influence of a certain type of wife — or other closely associated woman — has been of utmost significance. Nero and Poppaea may be allowed to sleep — if their crimes permit — but Section III, 11, entitled "RAYMOND BOYER, Montreal," in the Report of the Canadian Royal Commission should be read in full by all who want facts on the subject of the corruption of scientists, and others working on government projects. In the Soviet Embassy records, turned over to Canadian authorities by Ivor Gouzinko, was Col. Zabotin's notebook which contained the following entries (pp. 375 and 397 respectively):

Professor

Frenchman. Noted chemist, about 40 years of age. Works in McGill University, Montreal. Is the best of the specialists on W on the American Continent. Gives full information on explosives and chemical plants. Very rich. He is afraid to work. (Gave the formula of RDX, up to the present there was no evaluation from the boss.)

Contact

1. Freda

Jewess — works as a co-worker in the International Bureau of Labour.

A lady friend of the Professor.

In view of the facts furnished above as to the racial composition of the early Communist bureaucracy, it is perhaps not surprising that a large portion of the important foreign efforts of the present government of Russia are entrusted to Jews.

This is especially notable in the list of current or recent exercisers of Soviet power in the satellite lands of Eastern Europe.

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Anna Rabinsohn Pauker, Dictator of Rumania; Matyas Rakosi, Dictator of Hungary; Jacob Berman, Dictator of Poland; D.M. Manuilsky, Dictator of the Ukraine; and many other persons highly placed in the governments of the several Eastern European countries are all said to be members of this new Royal Race of Russia.

Of Eastern European origin are the leaders of late nineteenth century and twentieth century political Zionism which flowered from the already recorded beginnings at Kattowitz in 1884. Born at Budapest, Hungary, was Theodor Herzl (1860-1904), author (1896) of Der Judenstatt (The Jews' State), who presided over the "Zionist Congress," which "took place at Basel, Switzerland, on August 29, 30, and 31, 1897" (Univ. Jew. Encyc., Vol. II, p. 102). Dr. Chaim Weizmann, the head of political Zionism at the moment of its recourse to violence, was born in Plonsk, Poland. Since these top leaders are Eastern Europeans, it is not surprising that most of the recent immigrants into Palestine are of Soviet and satellite origin and that their weapons have been largely from the Soviet Union and from Soviet-controlled Czechoslovakia (see below, Chapter VI).

As a number of writers have pointed out, political Zionism entered its violent phase after the discovery of the incredibly vast mineral wealth of Palestine. According to "Zionists Misleading World with Untruths for Palestine Conquest," a full-page article inserted as an advertisement in the New York Herald Tribune (January 14, 1947), "an independent Jewish state in Palestine was the only certain method by which Zionists could acquire complete control and outright ownership of the proven Five Trillion Dollar ($5,000,000,000,000) chemical and mineral wealth of the Dead Sea." The long documented article is signed by R. M. Schoendorf, "Representative of Cooperating Americans of the Christian Faiths"; by Habib I. Katibah, "Representative of Cooperating Americans of Arab Ancestry"; and by Benjamin H. Freedman, "Representative of Cooperating Americans of the Jewish Faith," and is convincing. Irrespective, however, of the value of the Dead Sea minerals, the oil flow of Middle Eastern wells. Also in 1951, oil was "discovered" in the Negeb Desert, an area for which "Israel" authorities had so much fervor that they seized it (see Chapter VI, b, below).

The dominance of the motive of self-aggrandizement in political Zionism has been affirmed and denied; but it is difficult for an observer to see any possible objective apart from mineral wealth or long range grand strategy, including aggression (see Chapters VI and IX, below), in a proposal to make a nation out of an agriculturally poor, already overpopulated territory the size of Vermont. The intention of aggression at the expense of Moslem peoples, particularly in the direction of Iraq and Iran, is suggested also by the fact that the Eastern European Jews, adherents to the Babylonian Talmud, had long turned their thoughts to the lands where their sages lived and where most of the native Jewish population had embraced the Moslem faith. Any possible Zionist religious motive such as the hope of heaven, which fired the zeal of the Crusaders, is apparently ruled out by the nature of Judaism, as it is generally understood. "The Jewish religion is a way of life and has no formulated creed, or articles of faith, the acceptance of which brings redemption or salvation to the believer ..." (opening words, p. 763, of the section on "Doctrines." in Religious Bodies: 1936, Vol. II, Part I, Denominations A to J, U.S. Department of Commerce, Jesse H, Jones. Secretary, Bureau of Census, Superintendent of Documents, Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C.).

The secret or underground overseas efforts of Khazar-dominated Russia apparently have been entrusted principally to Jews. This is especially true of atomic espionage. The Report of the Royal Commission of Canada, already referred to, shows that Sam Carr (Cohen), organizer for all Canada; Fred Rose (Rosenberg), organizer for French Canada, and member of the Canadian Parliament from a Montreal constituency; and Germina (or Hermina) Rabinowich, in charge of liaison with U.S. Communists, were all born in Russia or satellite lands. In this connection, it is important to stress the fact that the possession of a Western name does not necessarily imply Western European stock. In fact, the maneuver of name-changing frequently disguises an individual's stock or origin. Thus the birth-name of John Gates, editor of the Communist Daily Worker was Israel Regenstreif. Other name changers among the eleven Communists found guilty by a New York jury in October, 1949, included Gil Green — born Greenberg; Gus Hall — born Halberg; and Carl Winter — born Weissberg; (For details on these men and the others, see the article, "The Trial of the Eleven Communists," by Sidney Shalett, Reader's Digest, August, 1950, pp. 59-72.) Other examples of name-changing can be cited among political writers, army officers, and prominent officials in the executive agencies and departments in Washington. Parenthetically, the maneuver of acquiring a name easily acceptable to the majority was very widely practiced by the aliens prominent in the seizure of Russia for Communism, among the name-changers being Lenin (Ulianov), Trotsky (Bronstein), and Stalin (Dzugashvili), the principal founders of state Communism.

The United States Government refused Canada's invitation early in 1946 to cooperate in Canada's investigation of atomic spies, but in 1950 when (despite "red herring" talk of the Chief Executive) our atomic spy suspects began to be apprehended, the first was Harry Gold, then Abraham Brothman, and Miriam Moskowitz. Others were M. Sobell, David Greenglass, Julius Rosenberg, and Mrs. Ethel Rosenberg (not to be confused with Mrs. Anna Rosenberg). Various sentences were given. Mr. and Mrs. Rosenberg received the death penalty (See Atom Treason, by Frank Britton, Box 15745, Crenshaw Station, Los Angeles 8, California). As of early May, 1952, however, the sentence had not been carried out and a significant portion of the Jewish press was campaigning to save the Rosenbergs. Referring to Julius and Ethel Rosenberg, Samuel B. Gach, Editor-in-Chief and Publisher of the California Jewish Voice ("Largest Jewish Circulation in the West") wrote as follows in his issue of April 25, 1952: "We deplore the sentence against the two Jews and despise the cowardly Jewish judge who passed same ... "In March, 1951, Dr. William Perl of the Columbia University Physics Department was arrested "on four counts of perjury in connection with the crumbling Soviet atomic spy ring ... Perl whose father was born in Russia, ... had his name changed from Utterperl [Mutterperl?] to Perl" in 1945 (Washington Times-Herald, March 15, 1951). For further details on these persons and others, see "Atomic Traitors, "by Congressman Fred Busbey of Illinois in the June, 1951, number of National Republic. Finally, the true head of Communism in America was found not to be the publicly announced head, but the Jew, Gerhardt Eisler, who, upon detection

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"escaped" from America on the Polish S. S. "Batory," to a high position in the Soviet Government of East Germany (Communist Activities Among Aliens and National Groups, part III, Government Printing Office, Washington, D. C., 1950, p. A121).

Very pertinent to the subject under consideration is a statement entitled "Displaced Persons: Facts vs. Fiction," made in the Senate of the United States on January 6, 1950, By Senator Pat McCarran, Democrat of Nevada, Chairman of the Judiciary Committee. Senator McCarran said in part: "Let it be remembered that the Attorney General of the United States recently testified that an analysis of 4,984 of the more militant members of the Communist Party in the United States showed that 91.4 percent of the total were of foreign stock or were married to persons of foreign stock."

With more than nine-tenths of our "more militant" Communists thus recruited from or allied to "foreign stock" and with that "stock" totaling perhaps not more than 10,000,000 or one-fifteenth of our nation's population, a little recourse to mathematics will suggest that the employment of an Eastern European or other person of recent alien extraction or connection is one hundred and fifty times more likely to yield a traitor than is the employment of a person of native stock!

An "authoritative" Jewish point of view toward Soviet Russia is explained in the Universal Jewish Encyclopedia in the concluding paragraphs on Karl Marx. According to this source, Jews "recognize the experience of the Soviet Union, home of 6,000,000 Jews, as testimony of the Marxist position on the question of national and racial equality." The Encyclopedia comments further on the "striking fact that the one country which professes official allegiance to Marxian teachings is the one where anti-Semitism has been outlawed and its resurgence rendered impossible by the removal of social and economic inequalities" (Vol. VIII, p. 390). In The Jewish People Face the Post-War World by Alexander Bittelman (Morning Freiheit Association, 35 East 12th Street, New York 3, N. Y., 1945, p. 19) the affection of a considerable body of American Jews for the Soviet Union is expressed dramatically:

If not for the Red Army, there would be no Jews in Europe today, nor in Palestine, nor in Africa; and in the United States, the length of our existence would be counted in days ... THE SOVIET UNION HAS SAVED THE JEWISH PEOPLE. Therefore, let the American Jewish masses never forget our historic debt to the Saviour of the Jewish people — the Soviet Union.

Be it noted, however, that Mr.. Bittelman admits indirectly that he is not speaking for all American Jews, particularly when he assails as "reactionary" the "non-democratic forces in Jewish life ... such as the Sulzbergers, Rosenwalds, and Lazarons" (p. 9). In addition to ideology, another factor in the devotion to their old homelands of so many of the newer American Jews of Eastern European source is kinship. According to The American Zionist Handbook, 68 to 70% of United States Jews have relations in Poland and the Soviet Union.

Quite in harmony with the Bittleman attitude toward the Soviet was the finding of the Canadian Royal Commission that Soviet Russia exploits fully the predilection of Jews toward Communism: "It is significant that a number of documents from the Russian Embassy specifically note 'Jew' or 'Jewess' in entries on their relevant Canadian agents or prospective agents, showing that the Russian Fifth Column leaders attached particular significance to this matter" (The Report of the Royal Commission, p. 82).

In view of the above-quoted statement of a writer for the great New York publication, the Universal Jewish Encyclopedia, which is described on its title-page as "authoritative," and in view of the findings of the Canadian Royal Commission, not to mention other facts and testimonies, it would seem that no one should be surprised that certain United States Jews of Eastern European origin or influence have transmitted atomic or other secrets to the Soviet Union. Those who are caught, of course, must suffer the fate of spies, as would happen to American espionage agents abroad; but, in the opinion of the author, the really guilty parties in the United States are those Americans of native stock who, for their own evil purposes, placed the pro-Soviet individuals in positions where they could steal or connive at the stealing of American secrets of atomic warfare. This guilt, which in view of the terrible likely results of atomic espionage is really blood-guilt, cannot be sidestepped and should not be overlooked by the American people.

The presence of so many high-placed spies in the United States prompts a brief reference to our national habit (a more accurate term than policy) in regard to immigration. In December 2, 1832, President Monroe proclaimed, in the famous Doctrine which bears his name, that the American government would not allow continental European powers to "extend their system" in the United States. At that time and until the last two decades of the nineteenth century, immigration brought us almost exclusively European people whose ideals were those of Western Christian civilization; these people became helpers in subduing and settling our vast frontier area; they wished to conform to rather than modify or supplant the body of traditions and ideals summed up in the word "America."

After 1880, however, our immigration shifted sharply to include millions of persons from Southern and Eastern Europe. Almost all of these people were less sympathetic than predecessor immigrants to the government and the ideals of the United States and a very large portion of them were non-Christians who had no intention whatever of accepting the ideals of Western Christian civilization, but had purposes of their own. These purposes were accomplished not by direct military invasion, as President Monroe feared, but covertly by infiltration, propaganda, and electoral and financial pressure (Chapters I, III, IV, V, VI, VII). The average American remained unaware and unperturbed.

Among those who early foresaw the problems to be created by our new immigrants was General Eisenhower's immediate predecessor as President of Columbia University. In a small but extremely valuable book, The American As He Is, President Nicholas Murray Butler in 1908 called attention to "the fact that Christianity in some one of its many forms is a dominant part of the American nature." Butler, then at the zenith of his intellectual power, expressed fear that our "capacity to subdue and assimilate the alien elements brought ... by immigration may soon be exhausted." He concluded accordingly that "The dangers

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which confront America will come, if at all, from within."

Statistics afford ample reasons for President Butler's fears. "The new immigration was comprised preponderantly of three elements: the Italians, the Slavs, and the Jews" (The Immigration and Naturalization Systems of the United States, Government Printing Office, Washington, D. C., p. 236). The Italians and the Slavs were less assimilable than immigrants from Northern and Western Europe, and tended to congregate instead of distributing themselves over the whole country as the earlier Northern European immigrants had usually done.

The assimilation of Italians and Slavs was helped, however, by their belonging to the same parent Indo-Germanic racial stock as the English-German-Irish majority, and above all by their being Christians — mostly Roman Catholics — and therefore finding numerous co-religionists not only among fully Americanized second and third generation Irish Catholics but among old stock Anglo-American Catholics descending from Colonial days. Quite a few persons of Italian and Slavic stock were or became Protestants, chiefly Baptists — among them being ex-Governor Charles Poletti of New York and ex-Governor Harold Stassen of Minnesota. The new Italian and Slavic immigrants and their children soon began to marry among the old stock. In a protracted reading of an Italian language American newspaper, the author noted that approximately half of all recorded marriages of Italians were to persons with non-Italian names.

Thus in one way or another the new Italian and Slavic immigrants began to merge into the general American pattern. This happened to some extent everywhere and was notable in areas where the newcomers were not congregated — as in certain urban and mining areas — but were dispersed among people of native stock. With eventual complete assimilation by no means impossible, there was no need of a national conference of Americans and Italians or of Americans and Slavs to further the interests of those minorities.

With the new Jewish immigrants, however, the developments were strikingly different — and quite in line with the fears of President Butler. The handful of Jews, mostly Sephardic (Webster's New International Dictionary, 1934, p. 2281) and German, already in this country (about 280,000 in 1877, Religious Bodies, op. cit., above), were not numerous enough to contribute cultural guidance to the newcomers (see Graetz-Raisin, Vol. VI, Chapter IV, "American Continent," A "The Sephardic and German Periods," B "The Russian Period"). These newcomers arrived in vast hordes — especially from territory under the sovereignty of Russia, the total number of legally recorded immigrants from that country between 1881 and 1920 being 3,237,079 (The Immigration and Naturalization Systems of the United States, p. 817), most of them Jews. Many of those Jews are now referred to as Polish Jews because they came from that portion of Russia which had been the kingdom of Poland prior to the "partitions" of 1772-1795 (Modern History, by Carl L. Becker, Silver Burdett Company, New York, p. 138) and was the Republic of Poland between World War I and World War II. Accordingly New York City's 2,500,000 or more Jews (op. cit., p. 240).

Thus by sheer weight of numbers, as well as by aggressiveness, the newcomer Jews from Eastern Europe pushed into the background the more or less Westernized Jews, who had migrated or whose ancestors had migrated to America prior to 1880 and had become for the most part popular and successful merchants with no inordinate interest in politics. In striking contrast, the Eastern European Jew made himself "a power to be reckoned with in the professions, the industries, and the political parties" (Graetz-Raisin, op. cit., Vol. VI, p. 344).

The overwhelming of the older Americanized Jews is well portrayed in The Jewish Dilemma by Elmer Berger (The Devin Adair Company, New York, 1945). Of the early American Jews, Berger writes: "Most of these first 200,000 came from Germany. They integrated themselves completely" (op. cit., p. 232). This integration was not difficult; for many persons of Jewish religion Western Europe in the nineteenth century not only had no racial or ethnic connection with the Khazars, but were not separatists or Jewish nationalists. The old contentions of their ancestors with their Christian neighbors in Western Europe had been largely overlooked on both sides by the beginning of the nineteenth century, and nothing stood in the way of their full integration into national life. The American kinsmen of these Westernized Jews were similar in outlook.

But after 1880 and "particularly in the first two decades of the twentieth century, immigration to the United States from Eastern Europe increased rapidly." The Eastern European immigrant Jews "brought with them the worn out concept of 'a Jewish people' " (op. cit., p. 233). Soon these newcomers of nationalist persuasion actually exerted influence over the old and once anti-nationalist organization of American Reform Judaism. "In the winter of 1941-42 the Central Conference of American Rabbis had endorsed the campaign to organize a Jewish Army. The event indicated the capitulation of the leadership of Reform Judaism to Jewish Nationalism." Many American-minded Jews protested, but "the voices were disorganized and therefore could by safely ignored" (op. cit., p. 242). American Jewry "had succumbed to the relentless pressure of the Zionist."

With the domination of American Jewry by Judaized Khazars and those who travel with them, the position of American Jews who wished to be Americans became most unhappy. The small but significant group which met at Atlantic City in June, 1942, to lay the foundations for an organization of "Americans whose religion is Judaism," were at once pilloried. "Charges" of being "'traitors,' Quislings,' betrayers were thundered" from the synagogues of America and "filled the columns of the Jewish press" (op. cit., p. 244). Many were silenced or won over by the pressure and the abuses — but not all. Those brave Jews who are persecuted because they are not hostile to the American way of life should not be confused with those Jews who persecute them, as Mr. Berger shows, but should on the other hand receive the sympathy of all persons who are trying to save Christian civilization in America.

Since the predominant new Jews consider themselves a superior people (Race and Nationality as Factors in American Life, by Henry Pratt Fairchild, The Ronald Press Company, New York, 1947, p. 145), and a separate nationality (op. cit., p. 140), assimilation appears now to be out of the question. America now has virtually a nation within the nation, and an aggressive

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culture-conscious nation at that.

The stream of Eastern Europeans was diminished in volume during World War I, but was at flood level again in 1920. At last the Congress became sufficiently alarmed to initiate action. The House Committee on Immigration, in its report on the bill that later became the quota law of 1921, reported:

There is a limit to our power of assimilation ... the processes of assimilation and amalgamation are slow and difficult. With the population of the broken parts of Europe headed this way in ever-increasing numbers, why not peremptorily check the stream with this temporary measure, and in the meantime try the unique and novel experiment of enforcing all of the immigration laws on our statutes? ...

Accordingly, the 67th Congress "passed the first quota law, which was approved on May 19, 1921, limiting the number of any nationality entering the United States to 3 percent of the foreign-born of that nationality who lived here in 1910. Under this law, approximately 350,000 aliens were permitted to enter each year, mostly from Northern and Western Europe" (The Immigration and Naturalization Systems of the United States, p. 56).

The worry of the Congress over unassimilated aliens continued and the House Committee on Immigration and Naturalization of the Sixty-eighth Congress reported that it was "necessary to the successful future of our nation to preserve the basic strain of our population" and continued (op. cit., p. 60) as follows:

Since it is the axiom of political science that a government not imposed by external force is the visible expression of the ideals, standards, and social viewpoint of the people over which it rules, it is obvious that a change in the character or composition of the population must inevitably result in the evolution of a form of government consonant with the base upon which it rests. If, therefore, the principle of individual liberty, guarded by a constitutional government created on this continent nearly a century and a half ago, is to endure, the basic strain of our population must be maintained and our economic standards preserved.

... the American people do not concede the right of any foreign group in the United States, or government abroad, to demand a participation in our possessing, tangible or intangible, or to dictate the character of our legislation.

The new law "changed the quota basis from 1910 to 1890, reduced the quotas from 3 to 2 percent, provided for the establishment of permanent quotas on the basis of national origin, and placed the burden of proof on the alien with regard to his admissibility and the legality of his residence in the United States." It was passed by the Congress on May 15, and signed by President Calvin Coolidge on May 26, 1924. The new quota system was still more favorable relatively to the British Isles and Germany and other countries of Northern and Western Europe and excluded "persons who believe in or advocate the overthrow by force or violence of the government of the United States." Unfortunately, within ten years, this salutary law was to be largely nullified (see Chapters VI and VII, below) by misinterpretation of its intent and by continued scandalous maladministration, a principal worry of the Congress (as shown above) in 1921 and continuously since (op. cit., p. 65 and passim).

By birth and by immigration either clandestine or in violation of the intent of the "national origins" law of 1924, the Jewish population of the U.S. increased rapidly. The following official Census Bureau statement is of interest: "In 1887 there were at least 277 congregations in the country and 230,000 Jews; in 1890, 533 congregations and probably 475,000 Jews; in 1906, 1700 congregations and about 1,775,000 Jews; in 1916, 1900 congregations and about 3,300,000 Jews; in 1926, 3,118 permanent congregations and 4,081,000 Jews; and in 1936, 3,728 permanent congregations and 4,641,184 Jews residing in the cities, towns and villages in which the congregations were located" (Religious Bodies, p. 763). On other religions, the latest government statistics are mostly for the year 1947, but for Jews the 1936 figure remains (The Immigration and Naturalization Systems of the United States, p. 849). As to the total number of Jews in the United States the government has no exact figures, any precise figures beyond a vague "over five million" being impossible because of incomplete records and illegal immigration. The Committee on the Judiciary of the Senate (op. cit., p. 842), however, accepts the World Almanac figure of 15,713,638 Jews of religious affiliation in the world and summarizes thus: "statistics indicate that over 50 percent of the World Jewish population is now residing in the Western Hemisphere" (op. cit., p. 21 ), i.e., at least 8,000,000. Since some three-fourths of a million Jews live in other North and South American countries besides the United States, the number of Jews known to be in the United States may be placed at a minimum of about 7,250,000. Jews unaffiliated with organizations whose members are counted, illegal entrants, etc., may place the total number in the neighborhood of 10,000,000. This likely figure would justify the frequently heard statement that more than half of the Jews of the world are in the United States.

Percentage-wise this is the government summary (op. cit., p.241) of Jewish population in the United States:

In 1937, Jews constituted less than 4 percent of the American people, but during the 7-year period following (1937-43), net Jewish immigration to the United States ranged between 25 and 77 percent of total net immigration to this country. For the 36-year period, 1908-43, net Jewish immigration constituted 14 percent of the total. The population of the Jewish population has increased twenty-one-fold during the same period.

The above government figures require elucidation. The figures include only those Jews connected with an organized Jewish congregation and, as a corollary, exclude the vast number of Jews, illegal entrants and others, who are not so connected, and hence not officially listed as Jews. The stated increase of Jews by 2100 percent since 1877 is thus far too small because non-Congregational Jews are not counted. Moreover, since the increase of 300 percent in the total population includes known Jews, who increased at the rate of 2100 percent, the increase in population of non-Jews is far less than the 300 percent increase of the total population.

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This powerful and rapidly growing minority — closely knit and obsessed with its own objectives which are not those of Western Christian civilization — will in subsequent chapters be discussed along with other principal occupants of the stage of public affairs in America during the early 1950's. Details will come as a surprise to many readers, who are the unwitting victims of censorship (Chapter V, below). Valuable for its light on the global projects of political Zionism, with especial reference to Africa, is Douglas Reed's Somewhere South of Suez (Devin-Adair Company, New York, 1951). After mentioning that the "secret ban" against publishing the truth on "Zionist Nationalism," which he holds "to be allied in its roots to Soviet Communism," has grown in his adult lifetime "from nothing into something approaching a law of lese majesty at some absolute court of the dark past," Mr. Reed states further that "the Zionist Nationalists are powerful enough to govern governments in the great countries of the remaining West!" He concludes further that "American Presidents and British Prime Ministers, and all their colleagues," bow to Zionism as if venerating a shrine.

The subject-matter of a book can be best determined not by its preface but by its index. It is believed that an examination of the index of The Iron Curtain Over America will show a unique completeness in the listing of names and subjects bearing upon the present peril of our country. In brief, The Iron Curtain Over America presents in complete detail — along with other matters — the problems created in the United States by a powerful minority possessed of an ideology alien to our traditions and fired by an ambition which threatens to involve us in the ruin of a third world-wide war. The next chapter deals with the aboveboard infiltration of Judaized Khazars, and other persons of the same ideology, into the United States Democratic Party.

Chapter III THE KHAZARS JOIN THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY

The triumphant Khazars, aided by other "converts" to Communism, strengthened their grasp on prostrate Russia by a succession of "purges" in which many millions of Russians lost their lives, either by immediate murder or in the slow terror of slave labor camps. These purges do not concern us here except as a sample of what Soviet rule would bring to America, namely, the slaying of 15,000,000 persons on a list already prepared by name and category (statement to the author by a former-high ranking international Communist who has deserted "Stalinism"). The lecture, Matt Cvetic, a former F. B. I. undercover agent, gives, more recently, a much higher figure; he states that almost all men and women over thirty, having been found too old for "re-education," would be slaughtered. For details, write to Borger News-Herald, Borger, Texas, asking reprint of "We Owe a Debt" (April 16, 1952) by J.C. Phillips.

Even as they subjected the Russian people to a rule of terror, the new rulers of Russia promptly and effectively penetrated the countries of Western Europe and also Canada and (as shown in Chapter II) the United States. For their fateful choice of our country as a goal of their major though not yet completely and finally successful endeavor, there were several reasons.

In the first place, with its mutually advantageous capital labor relations, its enormous productivity, and its high standard of living, the United States of America was an existing visible refutation of the black Soviet lie that their Communist dictatorship did more than our Republic for the workingman. The idea that the "capitalistic" democracies (Britain and America) were formidable obstacles to the spread of Communism and had to be destroyed was expressed many times by Soviet leaders and notably by Stalin in his great address (Moscow, March 10, 1939) to the 18th Congress of the Communist Party. This elaborate official statement of Soviet policy was made before the outbreak of World War II, and nearly three years before our involvement, and was trumpeted rather than hidden under a bushel. It can therefore be safely predicated that our State Department, with its numerous staffs, offices, bureaus, and divisions, was promptly aware of the contents of this speech and of the Soviet goal of overthrowing our "capitalist democracy."

The second reason for large scale Communist exploitation of the United States was our traditional lack of any laws prohibiting or regulating immigration into the United States and our negligence or politics in enforcing immigration laws when they had been passed (Chapter II, above). "The illegal entry of aliens into the United States is one of the most serious and difficult problems confronting the Immigration and Naturalization Service ... Since the end of World War II the problem of illegal entry has increased tremendously ... There is ample evidence that there is an alarmingly large number of aliens in the United States in an illegal status. Under the alien registration act of 1940 some 5,000,000 aliens were registered "(The Immigration and Naturalization Systems of the United States, pp. 629, 630).

The third principal reason for the Communist exploitation of the United States was the absence of any effective policy regarding resident foreigners even when their activities are directed toward the overthrow of the government. Thus in 1950 several hundreds of thousands of foreigners, among the millions illegally in this country, were arrested and released for want of adequate provisions for deporting them.

As shown in Chapter II, above, persons of Khazar background or traditions had entered the United States in large numbers in the waves of immigration between 1880 and the outbreak of World War I in 1914. The Soviet seizure of Russia took place in 1917, however, and the hey-day for Communist-inclined immigrants from Eastern Europe was the five-year period between the end of World War I (1919) and the passage of the 1924 law restricting immigration. Recorded immigrants to this country in that brief span of time amounted to approximately three million and large numbers of the newcomers were from Eastern Europe. Most significantly, with Communism in power in Russia, many of the new immigrants were not only ideologically hostile to the Western Christian civilization of which America was the finest development, but were actual agents of the new Rulers of Russia. Conspicuous among these was Sidney Hillman, who had turned from his "Rabbinical education" (Who Was Who in America,

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Vol. II, p. 254) to political activities of international scope. Twenty-two years before Franklin Roosevelt gave orders to "clear everything with Sidney," similar orders were given American Communists by Lenin himself, Hillman being at that time President of the Russian-American Industrial Corporation at 103 E. Fourteenth St., New York (article by Walter Trohan and photostat in Washington Times-Herald, October 29, 1944).

Surely a relatively small number of Khazar immigrants from Russia came as actual Soviet agents; not all of them came was confirmed Marxists; and some of them have doubtless conformed to the traditional American mores. The contrary is neither stated nor implied as a general proposition. The fact remains, however, that the newer immigrants, to an even greater degree than their predecessors of the same stock, were determined to resist absorption into Western Christian civilization and were determined also to further their aims by political alignment and pressure.

In the first three decades of the twentieth century, few of the several million non-Christian immigrants from Eastern Europe were attracted to the Republican Party, which was a majority party with no need to bargain for recruits. The Democratic Party, on the contrary, was in bad need of additional voters. It had elected Woodrow Wilson by a huge electoral majority in 1912 when the Republican Party was split between the followers of William Howard Taft and those of Theodore Roosevelt, but the Democratic popular vote was 1,413,708 less than the combined Taft and Roosevelt votes. In fact, between 1892 (Cleveland's election over Harrison) and 1932 (F.D. Roosevelt's election over Hoover), the Democratic candidate had pooled more presidential popular votes than the Republican candidate (9,129,606 to 8,538,221) only once, when Woodrow Wilson was elected (1916) to a second term on the slogan, "He kept us out of war." In all the other elections, Republican majorities were substantial. Applying arithmetic to the popular vote of the seven presidential elections from 1904 to 1928 inclusive (World Almanac, 1949, p. 91), it is seen that on the average, the Democrats, except under extraordinary circumstances, could not in the first three decades of the twentieth century count on as much as 45% of the votes.

In addition to its need for more votes, the Democratic Party had another characteristic which appealed to the politically minded Eastern European newcomers and drew to its ranks all but a handful of those who did not join a leftist splinter party. Unlike the Republican Party, which still had a fairly homogeneous membership, the Democratic Party was a collection of several groups. "The Democratic Party is not a political party at all; it's a marriage of convenience among assorted bedfellows, each of whom hates most of the others" (William Bradford Huie in an article, "Truman's Plan to Make Eisenhower President," Cosmopolitan, July, 1951, p. 31).

In the early part of the twentieth century the two largest components of the Democratic Party were the rural Protestant Southerners and the urban Catholic Northerners, who stood as a matter of course for the cardinal principles of Western Christian civilization, but otherwise had little in common politically except an opposition, chiefly because of vanished issues, to the Republican Party. The third group, which had been increasing rapidly after 1880, consisted of Eastern Europeans and other "liberals," best exemplified perhaps by the distinguished Harvard Jew, of Prague stock, Louis Dembitz Brandeis, whom President Woodrow Wilson, for reasons not yet fully known by the people, named to the United States Supreme Court. This man, at once so able, and in his legal and other attitudes so far to the left for the America of 1916, deserves attention as a symbol of the future for the Democratic Party, and through that party, for America.

According to the Universal Jewish Encyclopedia, there was an "historical battle" in the Senate in regard to "Brandeis' 'radicalism'," and "his alleged 'lack of judicial temperament'." These alleged qualities provoked opposition to the nomination by seven former presidents of the American Bar Association, including ex-Secretary of State Elihu Root and ex-President William Howard Taft.

Despite the opposition, the nomination was confirmed by the Senate in a close vote on June 5, 1916. This was one of the most significant days in American history, for we had, for the first time since the first decade of the nineteenth century, an official of the highest status whose heart's interest was in something besides the United States — an official, moreover, who interpreted the Law not as the outgrowth of precedent, but according to certain results desired by the interpreter.

The entire article on Justice Brandeis in the Universal Jewish Encyclopedia (Vol. II, pp. 495-499) should be read in full, if possible. Here are a few significant quotations:

During the World War, Brandeis occupied himself with a close study of the political phases of Jewish affairs in every country. Since that time his active interest in Jewish affairs has been centered in Zionism ... In 1919, he visited Palestine for political and organizational reasons ... he has financed various social and economic efforts in Palestine.

As a justice, Mr. Brandeis:

Never worried about such academic perplexities as the compatibility of Americanism with a minority culture or a Jewish homeland in Palestine ... Breaking away from the accepted legal catechisms, he thoroughly and exhaustively probed the economics of each and every problem presented ... The truth of his conviction that our individualistic philosophy could no longer furnish an adequate basis for dealing with the problems of modern economic life, is now generally recognized ... he envisages a co-operative order ... Brandeis feels that the Constitution must be given liberal construction.

This may be taken as the beginning of the tendency of our courts to assume by judicial decisions the function of legislative bodies.

There is testimony, also, to the influence of Brandeis over Wilson as a factor in America's entry into World War I and its consequent prolongation with terrible blood losses to all participants, especially among boys and young men of British, French, and German stock. Although Britain had promised self-rule to the Palestine Arabs in several official statements by Sir Henry

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MacMahon, the High Commissioner for Egypt, by Field Marshal Lord Allenby, Commander in Chief of British Military forces in the area, and by others (The Surrender of An Empire, by Nesta H. Webster, Boswell Printing and Publishing Co., Ltd., 10 Essex St., London, W.C. 2, 1931, pp. 351-356), President Wilson was readily won over to a scheme concocted later in another compartment of the British government. This scheme, Zionism, attracted the favor of the Prime Minister, Mr. David Lloyd George, who, like Wilson, had with prominent Jews certain close relations, one of which is suggested in the Encyclopedia Britannica article (Vol. XIX, p. 4) on the first Marquess of Reading (previously Sir Rufus Daniel Isaacs). Thus, according to S. Landman, in his paper "Secret History of the Balfour Declaration" (World Jewry, March 1, 1935), after an "understanding had been arrived at between Sir Mark Sykes and Weizmann and Sokolow, it was resolved to send a secret message to Justice Brandeis that the British Cabinet would help the Jews to gain Palestine in return for active Jewish sympathy and support in U.S.A. for the allied cause so as to bring about a radical pro-ally tendency in the United States." An article, "The Origin of the Balfour Declaration" (The Jewish Chronicle, February 7, 1936), is more specific. According to this source, certain "representatives of the British and French Governments" had been convinced that "the best and perhaps the only way to induce the American President to come into the war was to secure the co-operation of Zionist Jewry by promising them Palestine." In so doing "the Allies would enlist and mobilize the hitherto unsuspectedly powerful force of Zionist Jewry in America and elsewhere." Since President Wilson at that time "attached the greatest possible importance to the advice of Mr. Justice Brandeis," the Zionists worked through him and "helped to bring America in."

The strange power of Brandeis over President Wilson is indicated several times in the book, Challenging Years, The Autobiography of Stephen Wise (G.P. Putnam's Sons, New York, 1949). Rabbi Wise, for instance, spoke of Wilson's "leaning heavily, as I well know he chose to do, on Brandeis" (p. 187), and records a surprising remark by the supposedly independent minded World War I President. To Rabbi Wise, who spoke of Zionism and the plans for convening "the first session of the American Jewish Congress," Wilson said (p. 189): "Whenever the time comes, and you and Justice Brandeis feel that the time is ripe for me to speak and act, I shall be ready."

The authenticity of these statements, which are well documented in the sources from which they are quoted, cannot be doubted. Full evaluation of President Wilson will have to wait until the secret archives of World War I are opened to the Public. Meanwhile, however, the management of the war in such a way as to bleed Europe to death casts persistent reflections upon the judgment if not the motives of President Wilson and Prime Minister David Lloyd George of Great Britain. Their bloody victory and their failure in peace stand in strong contrast to Theodore Roosevelt's dramatic success in ending, rather than joining, the great conflict (1904-1905) between Russia and Japan.

After the eight-year rule of President Wilson, the Democratic Party was retired from office in the election of 1920. For the next twelve years (March 4, 1921-March 4, 1933), the three diverse groups in the Party — Southern Protestants, Northern Catholics, and Brandeis-type "liberals," — were held loosely together by leaders who helped each other toward the day of victory and the resultant power and patronage. Tactfully accustomed to ask no questions of each other, these leaders, still mostly Southern Protestants and Northern Catholics, did not ask any questions of the Party's rapidly increasing contingent of Eastern Europeans.

Thus the astute twentieth century immigrants of Eastern European origin continued to join the Democratic Party, in which everybody was accustomed to strange bedfellows, and in which a largely non-Christian third force was already well intrenched. Parenthetically, the best description of the National Democratic party as it existed from the time of Franklin Roosevelt's first term and on into the early 1950's is probably that of Senator Byrd of Virginia. Speaking at Selma, Alabama, on November 1, 1951 (AP dispatch), he described the party as a "heterogeneous crowd of Trumanites" and added that the group, "if it could be called a party, is one of questionable ancestry, irresponsible direction and predatory purposes."

Woodrow Wilson, who was definitely the candidate of a minority party, was elected in the first instance by a serious split in the Republican Party. By constant reinforcement from abroad, however, the "third force" of Eastern Europeans and associates of similar ideology was instrumental in raising the Democratic Party from a minority to a majority status. Some daring leaders of the alien or alien-minded wing conceived the idea of being paid in a special way for their contributions to victory.

Their price, carefully concealed from the American people, including of course many lesser figures among the Eastern Europeans, was the control of the foreign policy of the United States.

At a glance, the achievement of such an objective might seem impossible. In fact, however, it was easy, because it happens under our practice that the entire electoral vote of a State goes to the candidate whose electors poll a majority of the popular votes of the State. With the population of older stock somewhat evenly divided between the Republican and Democratic parties, a well-organized minority can throw enough votes to determine the recipient of the electoral vote of a state. "The States having the largest numbers of Jews are New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois, New Jersey, Massachusetts, Ohio, California, and Michigan" (The Immigration and Naturalization Systems of the United States, p. 154). These, of course, are the "doubtful" states with a large electoral vote.

Thus, when the ship of patronage came in with the election of Franklin Delano Roosevelt in 1932, the Democrats of the old tradition, whether Southern Protestants or Northern Catholics, wanted dams, bridges, government buildings, and other government-financed projects in their districts; wanted contracts for themselves and their friends; and wanted also a quota of safe tenure positions, such as federal judgeships. Neither group of old-time Democrats had many leaders who specialized in languages or in the complex subject matter of "foreign affairs," and neither group objected to the seemingly modest interest of certain of the party's Eastern European recruits for jobs of sub-cabinet rank in Washington.

The first spectacular triumph of the non-Christian Eastern European Democrats was Roosevelt's recognition, less than nine

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months after his inauguration, of the Soviet government of Russia. A lengthy factual article, "Moscow's RED LETTER DAY in American History," by William La Varre in the American Legion Magazine (August, 1951), gives many details on our strange diplomatic move which was arranged by "Litvinoff, of deceitful smiles" and by "Henry Morgenthau and Dean Acheson, both protégés of Felix Frankfurter." Incidentally, Litvinoff s birth-name was Wallach and he also used the Finkelstein. Three of the four persons thus named by Mr. La Varre as influential in this deal were of the same non-Christian stock or association — and the fourth was Dean Acheson, "who served as law clerk of Justice Louis D. Brandeis" (U.S. News and World Report, November 9, 1951) before becoming famous as a "Frankfurter boy" (see below, this chapter). The principal "Frankfurter boy" is the subject of a most important article in the American Mercury magazine (11, East 36th Street, New York 16, N.Y., 10 copies for $1.00) for April, 1952. Thee author, Felix Wittner, says in part:

Acheson's record of disservice to the cause of freedom begins at least nineteen years ago when he became one of Stalin's paid American lawyers. Acheson was on Stalin's payroll even before the Soviet Union was recognized by the United States.

Mr. La Varre's article should be read in full, among other things for its analyses of F.D. Roosevelt's betrayal of Latin America to penetration by Communism. Bearing on the basic question of the recognition of the Soviet, here are significant quotations:

The very special agent from Moscow, Commissar of all the Red Square's nefarious international machinations, chief of the Kremlin's schemes for communizing the American hemisphere, sat victoriously at the White House desk at midnight, smiling at the President of the United States.

For fifteen deceitful years the corrupt Kremlin had tried to obtain a communist base, protected by diplomatic immunities, within the United States; four Presidents — Wilson, Harding, Coolidge, and Hoover — had refused to countenance Moscow's pagan ideology or its carriers. But here, at last, was a President the communists could deal with.

Many patriotic, well-informed Americans, in the old Department of State, in the American Legion, and in the American Federation of Labor, had begged Franklin Roosevelt not to use his new leadership of the United States for the aggrandizement of an evil, dangerous and pagan guest — but to send him back to Moscow, red with the blood of the Commissar's own countrymen, without a handshake.

But Franklin Roosevelt, piqued with the power of his new office, stimulated by the clique of Marxian and Fabian socialists posing as intellectuals and liberals — and by radicals in labor unions, universities, and his own sycophant bureaucracy — had signed his name to the Kremlin's franchise. Without the approval of Congress, he made an actual treaty with the Soviets, giving them the right to establish a communist embassy and consulates in the United States, with full diplomatic hospitalities and immunities to Stalin's agents, the bloody bolsheviki ...

November 16, 1933 — at midnight! That is a date in American history our children will long have tragic cause to remember. That was the day Soviet Foreign Commissar Maxim Litvinov, plunderer of Estonia and the Kremlin's first agent for socializing England, sat down with Franklin Roosevelt, after Dean Acheson and Henry Morgenthau had done the spadework of propaganda, and made the deal that has led the American people, and our once vast resources, into a social and economic calamity to the very brink, now, of national and international disaster ...

One of the greatest concentrations of factual information, wise analyses, police records and military intelligence ever to pile up spontaneously on one subject in Washington, all documenting the liabilities of dealing with the Kremlin, had no effect on Franklin Roosevelt. He had appointed Henry Morgenthau and Dean Acheson, both protégés of Felix Frankfurter, to "study" trade opportunities between the U.S.S.R. and the United States, and he praised their report of the benefits to come to all U.S. citizens from Soviet "friendship."

The record shows that Cordell Hull, upon the receipt of this authentic document disclosing the Soviet's continuing duplicity, sent a note of protest to Moscow, but President Roosevelt could not be persuaded to withdraw his diplomatic recognition. He began, instead, the "reorganization" of the State Department in Washington and the dispatching — to far, isolated posts — of its anti-communist career officers.

The Roosevelt-Stalin Deal, of November, 1933, has been so costly to us, as a nation and as a hemisphere, that the full appraisal of our losses and liabilities will not be known for several generations. The Kremlin's gains within the United States and communism's cost to us is only now, in 1951 — after eighteen years of suffering a Soviet embassy in our Capital, and its agents to roam the States — coming to public consciousness.

It has truly been a costly era of mysterious friendship for an appeasement of the devil, of un-American compromises with deceit and pagan ideologies. Some of its protagonists are now dead, their graves monuments to our present predicament, but others, again mysteriously, have been allowed to step into their strategic places.

Under the sort of government described by Mr. La Varre in his Legion article, large numbers of recently arrived and recently naturalized "citizens" and their ideological associates were infiltrated by appointment, or by civil service, into the State Department, the presidential coterie, and other sensitive spots in the government. Among those who feathered their Washington nests in this period were not only leftist East Europeans, but actual Communist converts or "sell-outs" to the Communist party among native Americans. The solicitude of President F. D. Roosevelt for America's Communists was constant, as was shown in his steady opposition to proposed curbs upon them. Ex-Congressman Martin Dies, former Chairman of the House of Representatives Committee on Un-American Activities, bears witness in lectures (one of them heard by the author, 1950) that he was several times summoned to the White House by President Roosevelt and told — with suggestions of great favors to come — that he must stop annoying Communists (see Chapter IV). To the unyielding Dies, Roosevelt's climactic argument was "We need those votes!" A speech (May 17, 1951) on a similar theme by Mr. Dies has been published by the American Heritage Protective Committee (601 Bedell Building, San Antonio, Texas, 25 cents). Another speech by Mr. Dies, "White House Protects

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Communists in Government," was inserted (September 22, 1950) in the Congressional Record by Congressman Harold H. Velde of Illinois.

The government was infiltrated with "risks" from the above described groups of Eastern Europeans and with contaminated native Americans, but those were not all. After the beginning of World War II, so-called "refugees" immediately upon arrival in this country were by executive order introduced into sensitive government positions without the formality of having them wait for citizenship, and without any investigation of their reasons for leaving Europe. The way for this infiltration was paved by an executive order providing specifically that employment could not be denied on the grounds of race, creed, or national origin.

Since no form of investigation could be made by the United Stated in the distant and hostile areas from which these refugees came, and since their number contained persons sympathetic to the Soviet Union, this executive order was a potential and in many instances a realized death blow to security.

Almost as if for a double-check against security, the control of security measures in the new atom projects was not entrusted to the expert F.B.I., but to the atomic officials themselves. In view of their relative inexperience in such matters and in view of the amazing executive order so favorable to alien employees, the atomic officials were probably less to blame for the theft of atomic secrets than the "left-of-center" administrations which appointed them. Among those admitted to a proper spot for learning atomic secrets was the celebrated alien, the British subject — but not British-born — Klaus Fuchs. Other atomic spies, all aliens or of alien associations, were named in Chapter II.

Next to the atomic energy employees, the United Public Workers of America offered perhaps the best opportunity for the theft of secrets vital to the U.S. defense. This union included a generous number of people of Eastern European stock or connections, among them Leonard Goldsmith and Robert Weinstein, organizers of Panama Canal workers, and both of them said to have definite Communist affiliations (Liberty, May, 1948). This union — whose chief bloc of members was in Washington — was later expelled (March 1, 1950) by the C.I.O. on charges of being Communist-dominated ("Directory of Labor Unions in the United States," Bulletin No. 980, U.S. Dept. of Labor, 1950. 25c). However, if the U.S. Government has shown any signs of being as particular about its employees (see Tydings Committee Report, U.S. Senate, 1950) as the C.I.O. is about its members, the fact has escaped the attention of the author.

As the years passed, the infiltration of Eastern Europeans into the government had swelled to a torrent. Many of these persons, of course, were not Communists and were not sympathetic with Communist aims. As repeated elsewhere in this book, the contrary is neither stated nor implied. The author's purpose is simply to show that persons of Eastern European stock, or of an ideology not influential in the days of the founding and formative period of our country, have in recent years risen to many of the most strategic spots in the Roosevelt-Truman Democratic Party and thereby to positions of great and often decisive power in shaping the policy of the United States. The subject was broached by W. M. Kiplinger in a book, Washington Is Like That (Harper and Brothers, 1942). According to a Reader's Digest condensation (September, 1942), entitled "The Facts About Jews in Washington," Jews were by 1942 conspicuously "numerous" in government agencies and departments concerned with money, labor, and justice. The situation stemmed from the fact that "non-Jewish officials within government, acting under the direction of the President," were "trying to get various agencies to employ more Jews ..."

The influence of persons of Eastern European origin, or of related origin or ideology, reached its peak (thus far) with Mr. Milton Katz at the helm of U.S. policy in Europe (to mid-1951) with Mrs. Anna Rosenberg in charge of the manpower of the U.S. Army, Navy, and Air Corps; with Mr. Manly Fleischman as Administrator of the Defense Production Administration; and with Mr. Nathan P. Feinsinger (New York Times, August 30, 1951) as Chairman of the Wage Stabilization Board. Likewise, in October, 1948, when President Truman appointed a "committee on religious and moral welfare and character guidance in the armed forces," he named as Chairman "Frank L. Weil, of New York, a lawyer, and President of the National Jewish Welfare Board" (New York Times, October 28, 1948).

It is interesting to note the prominence of persons of Khazar or similar background or association in the Socialist minority government of the United Kingdom, and in French polities, beginning with Leon Blum. Among them are the Rt. Hon. Emanuel Shinwell and Minister Jules Moch — archfoe of Marshal Pétain — who have recently held defense portfolios in the British and French cabinets respectively. Just as in America the non-Christian characteristically joins the Democratic Party, so in Britain he joins the leftist Labor Party. Thus the British House of Commons, sitting in the summer of 1951, had 21 Jews among its Labor members and none among its Conservative members. Whatever his racial antecedents, Mr. Clement Attlee, long leader of the British "Labor" Party and Socialist Prime Minister (1945-1951) has for many years received international notoriety as a Communist sympathizer. For instance, he visited and praised the "English company" in the international Communist force in the Spanish Civil War (see photograph and facsimile in The International Brigades, Spanish Office of Information, Madrid, 1948, p. 134).

A few persons of Eastern European origin or background — or associated with persons of such background — in positions high or strategic, or both, have already been named by the author, and others, when their prominence demands it, will be named in the pages which follow. The author hereby assures the reader — again — that no reflection of any kind is intended and that he has no reason for believing that any of these people are other than true to their convictions.

First on any list of Americans of Eastern European origin should be the Vienna-born Felix Frankfurter, who in the middle twentieth century appears to have replaced "the stock of the Puritans" as the shining light and symbol of Harvard University. After leaving his professorship in the Harvard Law School, Dr. Frankfurter became a Supreme Court Justice and President Franklin Roosevelt's top-flight adviser on legal and other matters. In the formation of our national policies his influence is almost

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universally rated as supreme. "I suppose that Felix Frankfurter ... has more influence in Washington than any other American" wrote Rev. John P. Sheerin, Editor of The Catholic World (March, 1951, p. 405), and the Chicago Tribune, owned by the Presbyterian Colonel Robert R. McCormick, has voiced a similar opinion. In fact, Mr. Justice Frankfurter is frequently referred to by those who know their way around Washington as the "President" of the United States. In a recent "gag" the question "Do you want to see a new picture of the President of the United States?" is followed up by showing a likeness of Frankfurter.

Mr. Justice Frankfurter is influential not only in counsel but in furthering the appointment of favored individuals to strategic positions. The so-called "Frankfurter's boys" include Mr. Acheson, with whom the justice takes daily walks, weather permitting (New York Times, January 19, 1949); Alger Hiss; Lee Pressman; David Niles, long a senior assistant to President Truman; Benjamin V. Cohen, Counsellor of the Department of State; David Lilienthal, long Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission John J. McCloy, Joe Rauh, Nathan Margold; Donald Hiss, brother to Alger, and "now a member of the Acheson law firm"; Milton Katz; and former Secretary of War Robert Patterson, "a hundred per cent Frankfurter employee" (all names and quotes in this paragraph are from Drew Pearson's syndicated column, February 1, 1950).

A powerful government figure, the Russian-born Isador Lubin, was frequently summoned by President F. D. Roosevelt for the interpreting of statistics ("send for Lube"); and was subsequently a United States representative to the UN (article in New York Times, August 8, 1951). Leo Pasvolsky, Russian-born, was long a power in the Department of State, being, among other things, "executive director Committee on Postwar Program and "in charge of international organization and security affairs," 1945-1946 (Who's Who in America, Vol. 26, 1950-51, p. 2117). Among others very close to Roosevelt II were Samuel Rosenman, who as "special counsel" was said to write many of the President's speeches; Henry Morgenthau, Secretary of the Treasury and sponsor of the vicious Morgenthau, Plan; and Herbert Lehman, Director General (1943 to 1946) of the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA), most of whose funds — principally derived from the U.S. — were diverted to countries which were soon to become Soviet satellites as a result of the Yalta and Potsdam surrenders.

Strategic positions currently or recently held by persons of Eastern European origin, or ideological association with such people, include a number of Assistant Secretaryships to members of the Cabinet, among them incumbents in such sensitive spots as Defense, Justice (Customs and Solicitor General's Office) and Labor; the governorships of vital outposts such as Alaska (three miles from Russia) and the Virgin Islands (near the Panama Canal); appointments in the Executive Office of the President of the United States; positions in organizations devoted to international trade and assistance; membership on the Atomic Energy Commission; and membership, which may best be described as wholesale, in the U.S. delegation to the United Nations.

The number of persons of Eastern European origin or connection in appointive positions of strategic significance in our national government is strikingly high in proportion to the total number of such persons in America. On the contrary, in elective positions, the proportion of such persons is strikingly below their numerical proportion to the total population. The question arises: Does the high ratio of appointed persons of Eastern European origin or contacts in United States strategic positions reflect the will of the U.S. people? If not, what controlling will does it reflect?

Chapter IV "THE UNNECESSARY WAR"

In a speech before the Dallas, Texas Alumni Club of Columbia University on Armistice Day, 1950, General of the Army Dwight D. Eisenhower stated that as Supreme Commander in Europe he made a habit of asking American soldiers why they were fighting the Germans and 90% of the boys said they a had no idea. Very significantly, General Eisenhower did not offer members of his Alumni Group any precise answer to his own question. The high point of his speech was a statement of his hope that Columbia might become the fountain-head for widely disseminated simple and accurate information which will prevent our country from ever again "stumbling into war" at "the whim of the man who happens to be president" (notes taken by the author, who attended the Alumni Club meeting, and checked immediately with another Columbian who was also present).

The American soldier is not the only one who wondered and is still wondering about the purposes of World War II. Winston Churchill has called it "The Unnecessary War." In view of our legacy of deaths, debt, and danger, Churchill's term may be considered an understatement.

Before a discussion of any war, whether necessary or unnecessary, a definition of the term war is desirable. For the purposes of this book, war may be defined, simply and without elaboration, as the ultimate and violent action taken by a nation to implement its foreign policy. The results, even of a successful war, are so horrible to contemplate that a government concerned for the welfare of its people will enter the combat phase of its diplomacy only as a last resort. Every government makes strategic decisions, and no such decision is so fruitful of bitter sequels as a policy of drift or a policy of placating a faction — which has money or votes or both — and it is on just such a hybrid policy of drift and catering that our foreign policy has been built.

A commonly made and thoroughly sound observation about our foreign policy beginning with 1919 is that it creates vacuums — for a hostile power to fill. The collapsed Germany of 1923 created a power vacuum in the heart of Europe, but Britain and France made no move to fill it, perhaps because each of them was more watchful of the other than fearful of fallen Germany. The United States was far-off; its people of native stock, disillusioned by the bursting of Woodrow Wilson's dream bubbles, were disposed to revert to their old policy of avoiding foreign entanglements; and its numerous new Eastern European citizens, hostile to Germany, were watchfully awaiting a second and final collapse of the feeble republic born of the peace treaty of 1919. The new Soviet dictatorship, finding Marxism unworkable and slowly making it over into its later phases of Leninism and Stalinism, was as

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yet too precariously established for a westward venture across Poland.

As a result, Germany moved along stumblingly with more than a dozen political parties and a resultant near-paralysis of government under the Socialist President Friedrich Ebert to 1925 and then, with conditions improving slightly, under the popular old Prussian Field Marshal Paul von Hindenburg, who was President from 1925 to 1933.

Meanwhile two of Germany's numerous political parties emerged into definite power — the Communists, many of whose leaders were of Khazar stock, and the National Socialist German Workers Party, which was popularly called Nazi from the first two syllables of the German word for "National." Faced with harsh alternatives (testimony of many Germans to the author in Germany), the Germans chose the native party and Adolf Hitler was elected Chancellor.

The date was January 30, 1933, five weeks before Franklin Roosevelt's first inauguration as President of the United States; but it was only after the aged President von Hindenburg's death (on August 2) that Hitler was made both President and Chancellor (August 19th). Differences between the rulers of the United States and Germany developed quickly. Hitler issued a series of tirades against Communism, which he considered a world menace, whereas Roosevelt injected life into the sinking body of world Communism (Chapter III, above) by giving full diplomatic recognition to Soviet Russia on November 16, 1933, a day destined to be known as "American-Soviet Friendship Day" by official proclamation of the State of New York.

Sharing the world spotlight with his anti-Communist words and acts, was Hitler's domestic policy, which in its early stages may be epitomized as "Germany for the Germans," of whom in 1933 there were some 62,000,000. Hitler's opponents, more especially those of non-German stock (510,000 in 1933 according to the World Almanac, 1939), were unwilling to lose by compromise any of their position of financial and other power acquired in large degree during the economic collapse of 1923, and appealed for help to persons of prominence in the city of New York and elsewhere. Their appeal was not in vain.

In late July, 1933, an International Jewish Boycott Conference (New York Times, August 7, 1933) was held in Amsterdam to devise means of bringing Germany to terms. Samuel Untermeyer of New York presided over the Boycott Conference and was elected President of the World Jewish Economic Federation. Returning to America, Mr. Untermeyer described the planned Jewish move against Germany as a "holy war ... a war that must be waged unremittingly" (speech over WABC, as printed in New York Times of August 7, 1933). The immediately feasible tactic of the "economic boycott" was described by Mr. Untermeyer as "nothing new," for "President Roosevelt, whose wise statesmanship and vision are the wonder of the civilized world, is invoking it in furtherance of his noble conception of the relations between capital and labor." Mr. Untermeyer gave his hearers and readers specific instructions:

It is not sufficient that you buy no goods made in Germany. You must refuse to deal with any merchant or shopkeeper who sells any German made goods or who patronizes German ships and shipping.

Before the Boycott Conference adjourned at Amsterdam, arrangement was made to extend the boycott to "include France, Holland, Belgium, Britain, Poland and Czechoslovakia and other lands as far flung as Finland and Egypt" (New York Times, August 1, 1933). In connection with the boycott, the steady anti-German campaign, which had never died down in America after World War I, became suddenly violent. Germany was denounced in several influential New York papers and by radio.

The public became dazed by the propaganda, and the U.S. Government soon placed on German imports the so-called "general" tariff rates as against the "most favored" status for all other nations. This slowed down but did not stop the German manufacture of export goods, and the U.S. took a further step, described as follows in the New York Times (June 5, 1936): "Already Germany is paying general tariff rates because she has been removed by Secretary of State Cordell Hull from the most favored nation list... Now she will be required to pay additional duties ... it was decided that they would range from about 22 to 56 per cent." There were protests. According to the New York Times (July 12, 1936): "importers and others interested in trade with Germany insisted yesterday that commerce between the two countries will dwindle to the vanishing point within the next six months." The prediction was correct.

An effort of certain anti-German international financial interests was also made to "call" sufficient German treasury notes to "break" Germany. The German government replied successfully to this maneuver by giving a substantial bonus above the current exchange rate for foreigners who would come to Germany, exchange their currency for marks, and spend the marks in Germany. Great preparations were made for welcoming strangers to such gatherings as the "World Conference on Recreation and Leisure Time" (Hamburg, August, 1936), one of whose programs, a historic pageant on the Auszen-Alster, was attended by the author (who was visiting northern European museums and coastal areas in the interest of his historical novel, Swords in the Dawn). Special trains brought in school children from as far as northern Norway. Whether from sincerity or from a desire to create a good impression, visitors were shown every courtesy. As a result of the German effort and the money bonus afforded by the favorable exchange, retired people, pensioners, and tourists spent enough funds in the Reich to keep the mark stable.

But this German financial victory in 1936, though it prevented an immediate currency collapse, did not solve the problem of 62,000,000 people (69,000,000 by 1939) in an area approximately the size of Texas being effectively denied export trade.

Through Secretary of State Cordell Hull and other officials President Roosevelt sponsored Mr. Untermeyer's economic war against Germany, but he still adhered, in his public utterances, to a policy of non-intervention in the internal affairs of foreign nations. In two speeches in the summer of 1937 he voiced "our entanglements" (American Foreign Policy in the Making, 1932— 1940, by Charles A. Beard, Yale University Press, 1946, p. 183).

Some sinister underground deal must have been consummated within two months, however, for in a speech in Chicago on October 5th the President made an about-face, which was probably the most complete in the whole history of American foreign

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policy. Here are two excerpts from the famous "Quarantine" speech:

Let no one imagine that America will escape, that America may expect mercy, that this Western Hemisphere will not be attacked! ...

When an epidemic of physical disease starts to spread, the community approves and joins in a quarantine of the patients in order to protect the health of the community against the spread of the disease.

This pronouncement, so inflammatory, so provocative of war, caused unprecedented consternation in the United States (see Beard, op. cit., pp. 186 ff.). Most outspoken in opposition to the "quarantine" policy was the Chicago Tribune. Violently enthusiastic was the New Masses, and Mr. Earl Browder promised the administration the "100 percent unconditional support of the Communist party" provided Roosevelt adopted a hands-off policy toward Communism. Incidentally, this Democratic-Communist collaboration was openly or covertly to be a factor in subsequent United States foreign and domestic policy to and beyond the middle of the twentieth century. "I welcome the support of Earl Browder or any one else who will help keep President Roosevelt in office," said Harry S. Truman, candidate for Vice President, on October 17, 1944 (National Republic, May, 1951, p. 8).

Far more numerous than denouncers or endorsers of the "quarantine" speech of 1937 were those who called for clarification. This, however, was not vouchsafed — nor was it, apart from possible details of method and time, really necessary. It was perfectly obvious that the President referred to Japan and Germany. With the latter country we had already declared that "no quarter" economic war recommended by the President of the World Jewish Economic Federation, and now in unquestionably hostile terms our President declared a political war. In his diary, Secretary of Defense James Forrestal recorded that he was told by Joseph P. Kennedy, our Ambassador to Britain, that Prime Minister Chamberlain "stated that America and the world Jews had forced England into the war" (The Forrestal Diaries, ed. by Walter Millis, The Viking Press, New York, 1951, pp. 121-122).

Censorship, governmental and other (Chapter V), was tight in America by 1937. It had blocked out the reasons for Mr. Roosevelt's public change of policy between summer and autumn, and it blacked out the fact that the President's threatening attitude caused Germany to make, and make a second time, an appeal for peace. These appeals did not become known to the American public for more than ten years. Here is the story, summarized from an article by Bertram D. Hulen in the New York Times of December 17, 1948:

In 1937 and again in 1938 the German government made "a sincere effort to improve relations with the United States, only to be rebuffed." The U.S. Government's alleged reason was "a fear of domestic political reactions in this country unfavorable to the Administration." Germany was told that the American public would not tolerate a conference. Some officials favored exploring the German offer "after the congressional elections in the fall" (1938). The sequel, of course, is that the Roosevelt administration blocked Germany's further efforts for peace by withdrawing our ambassador from Berlin and thus peremptorily preventing future negotiations. Germany then had to recall her Ambassador "who was personally friendly toward Americans" and, according to the New York Times, "was known in diplomatic circles here at the time to be working for international understanding in a spirit of good will." Here, to repeat for emphasis, is the crux of the matter: The whole story of Germany's appeal for negotiations and our curt refusal and severance of diplomatic relations was not published in 1937 or 1938, when Germany made her appeals, but was withheld from the public until ferreted out by the House Committee on Un-American Activities after World War II and by that committee released to the press more than ten years after the facts were so criminally suppressed. Parenthetically, it is because of services such as this on behalf of truth that the Committee on Un-American Activities has been so frequently maligned . In fact, in our country since the 1930's there seems little question that the best criterion for separating true Americans from others is a recorded attitude toward the famous Martin Dies Committee.

Economically strangled by an international boycott headed up in New York, and outlawed politically even to the extent of being denied a conference, the Germans in the late 1930's faced the alternatives of mass unemployment from loss of world trade or working in government-sponsored projects. They accepted the latter. The workers who lost their jobs in export businesses were at once employed in Hitler's armament industries (see the special edition of the Illustrirte Zeitung for November 25, 1936), which were already more than ample for the size and resources of the country, and soon became colossal.

Thus by desperate measures, advertised to the world in the phrase "guns instead of butter," Hitler prepared to cope with what he considered to be the British-French-American-Soviet "encirclement." Stung by what he considered President Roosevelt's insulting language and maddened by the contemptuous rejection of his diplomatic approaches to the United States, he made a deal (August, 1939) against Poland with the Soviet Union, a power he had taught the German people to fear and hate! With the inevitability of a Sophoclean tragedy, this betrayal of his own conscience brought him to ruin — and Germany with him. Such is the danger which lurks for a people when they confide their destiny to the whims of a dictator!

The war which resulted from Franklin D. Roosevelt's policy is well remembered, especially by those American families whose sons lie beneath white crosses — at home or afar. Its pre-shooting phase, with all the weavings back and forth, is analyzed in Professor Beard's volume, already referred to. Its causes are the subject of Frederick R. Sanborn's Design for War (Devin-Adair, New York, 1951). Its progress is surveyed in William Henry Chamberlin's America's Second Crusade (Henry Regnery Company, Chicago, 1950). Details cannot be here presented.

This much, however, is evident. With some secret facts now revealed and with the foul picture now nearing completion, we can no longer wonder at a clean trustful young soldier or an honorable general being unable to give a satisfactory reason for our part in promoting and participating in World War II.

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As the "unnecessary war" progressed, we adopted an increasingly horrible policy. Our government's fawning embrace of the Communist dictator of Russia, and his brutal philosophy which we called "democratic," was the most "unnecessary" act of our whole national history, and could have been motivated only by the most reprehensible political considerations — such, for instance, as holding the 100 percent Communist support at a price proposed by Mr. Browder. Among those who learned the truth and remained silent, with terrible consequences to himself and his country, was James V. Forrestal. In an article, "The Forrestal Diaries," Life reveals (October 15, 1951) that in 1944 Forrestal wrote thus to a friend about the "liberals":

I find that whenever any American suggests that we act in accordance with the needs of our own security he is apt to be called a [profane adjective deleted] fascist or imperialist, while if Uncle Joe suggests that he needs the Baltic Provinces, half of Poland, all of Bessasrabia and access to the Mediterranean, all hands agree that he is a fine, frank, candid and generally delightful fellow who is very easy to deal with because he is so explicit in what he wants.

Among those who saw our madness, and spoke out, were Senator Robert A. Taft of Ohio and Winston Churchill. Senator Taft's radio address of June 29, 1941, a few days after Hitler invaded Russia, included the following passage:

How can anyone swallow the idea that Russia is battling for democratic principles? Yet the President on Monday announced that the character and quantity of the aid to await only a disclosure of Russian needs ... To spread the four freedoms throughout the world we will ship airplanes and tanks and guns to Communist Russia. But no country was more responsible for the present war and Germany's aggression than Russia itself. Except for the Russian pact with Germany there would have been no invasion of Poland. Then Russia proved to be as much if an aggressor as Germany. In the name of democracy we are to make a Communist alliance with the most ruthless dictator in the world ...

But the victory of Communism in the world would be far more dangerous to the United States than the victory of Fascism. There has never been the slightest danger that the people of this country would ever embrace Bundism or Nazism ... But Communism masquerades, often successfully, under the guise of democracy (Human Events, March 28, 1951).

The Prime Minister of Britain, the Right Honorable Winston Churchill, was alarmed at President Roosevelt's silly infatuation for Stalin and the accompanying mania for serving the interests of world Communism. "It would be a measureless disaster if Russian barbarism overlaid the culture and independence of the ancient states of Europe," he wrote on Oct. 21, 1942, to the British Foreign Secretary, Anthony Eden. Churchill also wanted an invasion of the Balkans, which Roosevelt and Marshall opposed apparently to please Stalin (Elliott Roosevelt, As He Saw It, Duell, Sloan and Pearce, New York, 1946, passim). This is no place and the author assumes no competence for analyzing the strategy of individual campaigns; but according to Helen Lombard's While They Fought (Charles Scribner's Sons, p. 148) General Marshall stated to a Congressional Committee that the "purpose" of the Italian campaign was to draw "German forces away from the Russian front," and according to the same source General Mark Clark when questioned "about American political aims" found himself "obliged to state that his country was seeking nothing except ground in which to bury her dead." Such being true, one may wonder why — except for the furtherance of Stalin's aims — the forces devoted to strategically unimportant Italy, the winning of which left the Alps between our armies and Germany, were not landed, for instance, in the Salonika area for the historic Vardar Valley invasion route which leads without major obstacles to the heart of Europe and would have helped Stalin defeat Hitler without giving the Red dictator all of Christian Eastern Europe as a recompense.

It is widely realized now that Churchill had to put up with much indignity and had to agree to many strategically unsound policies to prevent the clique around Roosevelt from prompting him to injure even more decisively Britain's world position vis-a­vis with the Soviet Union. Sufficient documentation is afforded by General Elliott Roosevelt's frank and useful As He Saw It, referred to above. Determined apparently to present the truth irrespective of its bearing on reputations, the general (p. 116) quotes his father's anti-British attitude as expressed at Casablanca: "I will work with all my might and main to see to it that the United States is not wheedled into the position of accepting any plan ... that will aid or abet the British Empire in its imperial ambitions." This was the day before Roosevelt's "Unconditional Surrender" proclamation (Saturday, January 23, 1943). The next day Roosevelt again broached the subject to his son, telling him the British "must never get the idea that we're in it just to help them hang on to the archaic, medieval Empire ideas."

This attitude toward Britain, along with a probably pathological delight in making Churchill squirm, explains the superficial reason for Roosevelt's siding with the Stalinites on the choice of a strategically insignificant area for the Mediterranean front. As implied above, the deeper reason, beyond question, was that in his frail and fading condition he was a parrot for the ideas which the clique about him whispered into his ears, with the same type of flattery that Mr. Untermeyer had used so successfully in initiating the Jewish boycott. No reason more valid can be found for the feeble President's interest in weakening the British Empire while strengthening the Soviet Empire — either in the gross or in such specific instances as the Roosevelt-Eisenhower policy in Germany. This policy, initiated by Roosevelt and implemented by Eisenhower, was well summarized in a speech, "It Is Just Common Sense to Ask Why We Arrived at Our Present Position," by Congressman B. Carroll Reece of Tennessee in the House of Representatives on March 19, 1951 (Congressional Record, pp. A 1564 to A 1568):

... We could have easily gotten to Berlin first. But our troops were first halted at the Elbe. They were then withdrawn from that river in a wide circle — far enough westward to make Stalin a present of the great Zeiss optical and precision instrument works at Jena, the most important V-1 and V-2 rocket laboratory and production plant in Nordhausen, and the vital underground jet plant in Kahla. Everywhere we surrendered to the Soviets intact thousands of German planes, including great masses of jet fighters ready for assembly, as well as research centers, rocket developments, scientific personnel, and other military treasures.

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When it was all over, a large part of the formidable Russian militarism of today was clearly marked "Made in America" or "donated by America from Germany." But where Roosevelt left off President Truman resumed.

At Potsdam, Truman maintaining intact Roosevelt's iron curtain of secret diplomacy, played fast and loose with American honor and security. He agreed to an enlargement of the boundaries of a Poland already delivered by Roosevelt and Churchill to Russian control through addition of areas that had for centuries been occupied by Germans or people of German origin. Some 14,000,000 persons were brutally expelled from their homes with the confiscation of virtually all their property. Only 10,000,000 finally reached the American, French, and British zones of Germany. Four million mysteriously disappeared, though the finger points toward Russian atrocities, Thus Truman approved one of the greatest mass deportations in history, which for sheer cruelty is a dark page in the annals of history.

At Potsdam, Truman also sanctioned Russian acquisition of Eastern Germany, the food bin of that nation before the war. It then became impossible for the remaining German economy in British, French, and American hands to feed its people. Germany, like Japan, also went on our bounty rolls.

Like Roosevelt, Truman did not neglect to build up Russian military strength when his opportunity came at Potsdam. He provided her with more factories, machines, and military equipment though at the time he attended Potsdam Truman knew that through lend-lease we had already dangerously expanded Russia's military might and that, in addition, we had given the Soviets some 15,000 planes — many of them our latest type — and 7,000 tanks.

But at Potsdam Truman gave to Russia the entire zone embracing the Elbe and Oder Rivers, excepting Hamburg, which lies within the British zone. Naval experts had known from the early days of World War II that it was along these rivers and their tributaries that the Germans had set up their submarine production line. The menace which the Nazi underwater fleet constituted during World War II is still remembered by residents along the Atlantic coast who saw oil tankers, merchant ships, and even a troop transport sunk within sight of our shores. Convoy losses during the early years of the war were tremendous. And special defensive methods had to be devised by our Navy to get our supplies across the Atlantic.

But in spite of this, the President agreed at Potsdam to deliver to Russia the parts [of Germany containing] plants sufficient for her to fabricate hundreds of submarines. In addition to this, he agreed to give to Russia 10 of the latest snorkel-tube long-range German submarines for experimental purposes.

Why did Churchill consent to the initiation of such a program? Why did he allow Roosevelt to give an ideologically hostile power a foothold as far West as the Elbe River, which flows into the North Sea?

Since Churchill was characteristically no weak-kneed yes-man (witness his "blood and tears" speech which rallied his people in one of their darkest hours), Roosevelt and his clique must have confronted him with terrible alternatives to secure his consent to the unnatural U.S. decisions in the last months of the war. Wrote George Sokolsky in his syndicated column of March 22, 1951, "The pressure on him (Churchill) from Roosevelt, who was appeasing Stalin, must have been enormous ... But why was Roosevelt so anxious to appease Stalin? And also at Potsdam why was Truman so ready to adopt the same vicious policy which, as a former field grade officer of the army, he must have known to be wrong?"

A study of our Presidential "policies" from 1933, and especially from 1937, on down to Potsdam, leads to a horrible answer.

To one who knows something of the facts of the world and knows also the main details of the American surrender of security and principles at Tehran, Yalta, and Potsdam, and other conferences, three ghastly purposes come into clear focus:

(1) As early as 1937, our government determined upon war against Germany for no formulated purpose beyond pleasing the dominant Eastern European element and allied elements in the National Democratic Party, and holding "those votes, " as Roosevelt II put it (Chapter III, above).

The President's determination to get into war to gratify his vanity of having a third term of office is touched on by Jesse H. Jones, former Secretary of Commerce and head of the Reconstruction Finance Corporation, in his book, Fifty Billion Dollars (The Macmillan Company, New York, 1951). In this comprehensive and carefully documented volume, which is obligatory background reading on U.S. politics in the years 1932-1945, Mr. Jones, throws much light on Roosevelt, the "Total Politician." On Roosevelt's desire for getting into World War II, these (p. 260) are Mr. Jones's words: "Regardless of his oft repeated statement 'I hate war,' he was eager to get into the fighting since that would insure a third term." The most notorious instance of the President's Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde character was his unblushing promise, as he prepared for intervention, that there would be no war. The third-term candidate's "again and again and again and again" speech (Boston, October 30, 1940) is invariably quoted, but even more inclusive was his broadcast statement of October 26 that no person in a responsible position in his government had "ever suggested in any shape, manner, or form the remotest possibility of sending the boys of American mothers to fight on the battlefields of Europe." We are thus confronted by a dilemma. Was Roosevelt the scheming ruiner of his country or was he a helpless puppet pulled by strings from hands which wielded him beyond any power of his to resist?

A continuing lack of any policy beyond the corralling of minority votes blighted the entire world effort of our devoted and self-sacrificing soldiers, and frustrated the hopes of those of our lower echelon policy-makers who were trying to salvage something useful to civilization from our costly world-wide war. Our diplomatic personnel, military attachés, and other representatives abroad were confused by what they took to be rudderless drifting. In one foreign country diametrically opposed statements were issued simultaneously by heads of different U.S. missions. In Washington, the Office of War information issued under the same date line completely conflicting instructions to two sets of its representatives in another Asiatic country. A United States military attaché with the high rank of brigadier general made an impassioned plea (in the author's hearing) for a statement of our purposes in the war; but, asking the bread of positive strategic policy, he got the stone of continued confusion. Some of the confusion was due to the fact that officials from the three principal kinds of Democrats (Chapter III) were actuated by and gave voice to different purposes; most of it, however, resulted from the actual lack of any genuine policy except to commit our troops

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and write off casualties with the smoke of the President's rhetoric. Yes, we were fighting a war, not to protect our type of civilization or to repel an actual or threatened invasion, but for Communist and anti-German votes. Thus when our ailing President went to Yalta, he is said to have carried no American demands, to have presented no positive plans to counter the proposals of Stalin. In his feebleness, with Alger Hiss nearby, he yielded with scarcely a qualm to the strong and determined Communist leader. For fuller details see the carefully documented article, "America Betrayed at Yalta," by Hon. Lawrence H. Smith, U.S. Representative from Wisconsin (National Republic, July, 1951).

(2) The powerful Eastern European element dominant in the inner circles of the Democratic Party regarded with complete equanimity, perhaps even with enthusiasm, the killing of as many as possible of the world-ruling and Khazar-hated race of "Aryans" (Chapter II); that is, native stock Americans of English, Irish, Scotch, Welsh, German, Dutch, Scandinavian, Latin, and Slavic descent. This non-Aryan power bloc therefore indorsed "Unconditional Surrender" and produced the Morgenthau Plan (see below), both of which were certain to stiffen and prolong the German resistance at the cost of many more American lives, much more desolation in Germany, and many more German lives — also "Aryan." The plans of the prolongers of the war were sustained by those high Democratic politicians who saw nothing wrong in the spilling of blood in the interest of votes. Unfortunately, President Roosevelt became obsessed with the idea of killing Germans (As He Saw It, pp. 185-186) rather than defeating Hitler, and reportedly set himself against any support of anti-Hitler elements in Germany. Perhaps taking his cue from his Commander-in-Chief — a term Roosevelt loved — General Mark Clark told American soldiers of the Fifth Army that German "assaults" were "welcome" since "it gives you additional opportunity to kill your hated enemy in large numbers." The general drove the point home. "It is open season on the Anzio bridgehead," he continued, "and there is no limit to the number of Germans you can kill" (New York Times, February 13, 1944).

Such a sentiment for men about to make the supreme sacrifice of their lives has — in the author's opinion — an unnatural ring to ears attuned to the teachings of Christianity. Such a stress on "killing" or "kill" rather than on a "cause" or on "victory" is definitely at variance with the traditions of Western Christian civilization. It is also costly in the life blood of America, for "killing" is a two-edged sword. An enemy who would surrender in the face of certain defeat will fight on to the end when truculently promised a "killing" — and more Americans will die with him.

The underlying philosophy of "killing" was incidentally hostile to the second largest racial strain in America. Germans have from the beginning been second only to the English and Scotch in the make-up of our population. "In 1775 the Germans constituted about 10 percent of the white population of the colonies" (The Immigration and Naturalization Systems of the United States, p. 233). The total of Dutch, Irish, French "and all others" was slightly less than the Germans, the great bulk of the population being, of course, the English-speaking people from England, Scotland, and Wales. In the first three quarters of the nineteenth century "German immigration outdistanced all other immigration" and as of 1950 "the Germans have contributed over 25 percent of the present white population of the United States. The English element — including Scots, North Irish, and Welsh — alone exceeds them with about 33 percent of the present white population. The Irish come third with about 15 percent" (op. cit., p. 233).

Thus in his desire for shedding German blood, apart from military objectives, Roosevelt set himself not against an enemy government but against the race which next to the English gave America most of its life-blood. The general merely copied his "commander-in-chief." Another tragic factor in any announced stress on "killing" was, of course, that the Germans whom we were to "kill" rather than merely "defeat" had exactly as much to do with Hitler's policies as our soldiers in Korea have to do with Ache son's policies.

Why did the thirty-four million Americans of German blood make no loud protest? The answer is this: in physical appearance, in culture, and in religion, Protestant or Catholic, they were so identical with the majority that their amalgamation had been almost immediate. In 1945 there was a great strain of German Blood in America, but there was no significant vote-delivering body of political "German-Americans."

Meanwhile, the ships which took American soldiers to kill Germans and meet their own death in Europe brought home "refugees" in numbers running in many estimates well into seven figures. According to Assistant Secretary of State Breckenridge Long (testimony before House Committee on Foreign Affairs, Nov. 26, 1943), the number of officially admitted aliens fleeing "Hitler's persecution" had reached 580,000 as early as November 1943. Those refugees above quotas were admitted on "visitors' visas." These facts were released by Congressman Sol Bloom, Democrat of New York, Chairman of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, on December 10 (article by Frederick Barkley, New York Times, Dec. 11, 1943). On December 11, Congressman Emanuel Celler, Democrat of New York, complained that Mr. Long was, in all the State Department, the man "least sympathetic to refugees,' and added indignantly that United States ships had returned from overseas ports "void of passengers"(New York Times, December 12, 1943). Incidentally, in 1944 Mr. Long ceased to be Assistant Secretary of State.

The influx of refugees continued. So great was the number of these people that even with the closing of thousands of American homes by our casualties, the housing shortage after the war was phenomenal. For the lack of homes available to veterans, some writers blamed capital, some blamed labor, and some found other causes; but none, to the knowledge of the author, counted the homes which had been preempted by "refugees," while our soldiers were fighting beyond the seas. By 1951 the situation showed no amelioration, for on August 20 Senator Pat McCarran, chairman of a Senate sub-committee on internal security, said that "possibly 5,000,000 aliens had poured into the country illegally, creating a situation 'potentially more dangerous' than an armed invasion" (AP dispatch in New York Times, August 20,1951). This statement should be pondered thoughtfully by every true American.

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And there are more aliens to come. On September 7, 1951, a "five-year program for shifting 1,750,000 of Europe's 'surplus' population to new homes and opportunities in the Americas and Australia was disclosed" by David A. Morse, head of the International Labor Office of the UN (New York Times, Sept. 8, 1951). Needless to say, few of those 1,750,000 persons are likely to be accepted elsewhere than in the United States (for data on Mr. Morse, see Economic Council Letter, No. 200, October 1, 1948, or Who's Who in America, 1950-1951). Congressman Jacob K. Javits of New York's Twenty-first District, known to some as the Fourth Reich from the number of its "refugees" from Germany, also wishes still more immigrants. In an article, "Let Us Open the Gates" (New York Times Magazine, July 8, 1951), he asked for ten million immigrants in the next twenty years.

(3) Our alien-dominated government fought the war for the annihilation of Germany, the historic bulwark of Christian Europe (Chapter I, above). The final phase of this strategically unsound purpose sprouted with the cocky phrase "Unconditional Surrender," already mentioned. It was "thrown out at a press conference by President Roosevelt at Casablanca on January 24, 1943 ... President Roosevelt went into the press conference in which he 'ad-libbed' the historic phrase" (Raymond Gram Swing in "Unconditional Surrender," The Atlantic Monthly, September 1947). According to General Elliott Roosevelt, the President repeated the phrase, "thoughtfully sucking a tooth" (As He Saw It, p. 117), and added that "Uncle Joe might have made it up himself."

Our foul purpose of liquidating Germany flowered with the implementation of the Morgenthau Plan, an implementation which allowed "widespread looting and violence" by "displaced persons" and brought Germans to the verge of starvation, according to Prof. Harold Zink, who served as American Editor of the Handbook for Military Government, in Germany in 1944 and was subsequently Consultant on U.S. Reorganization of German Government, U.S. Troop Control Council for Germany, 1944-1945 (Who's Who in America, Vol. 25, 1948-1949, p. 2783). In his book, American Military Government in Germany (Macmillan, 1947, pp. 106 and 111), Prof. Zink writes as follows:

The Germans were forced to furnish food for the displaced persons at the rate of 2,000 calories per day when they themselves could have only 900-1100 calories ... The amount available for German use hardly equalled the food supplied by the Nazis at such notorious concentration camps as Dachau ... most of the urban German population suffered severely from lack of food.

The hunger at Dachau was war-time inhumanity by people who were themselves desperately hungry because their food stocks and transportation systems had been largely destroyed by American air bombardment; but the quotation from Professor Zink refers to peace-time inhumanity, motivated by vengeance partly in its conception and even more so in its implementation (see Potsdam Agreement, Part III, paragraph 156 in Berlin Reparations Assignment, by Ratchford and Ross, The University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, p. 206).

Why did inhumanity in Germany go on? Because "a little dove," according to President Roosevelt, "flew in the Presidents window and roused him against a "too 'easy' treatment of the Germans," the "little dove" being "actually Secretary Morgenthau's personal representative in the ETO" (Zink, op. cit., pp. 131-132). Further testimony to the President's desire for an inhuman treatment of "German people" is found in former Secretary of State that James F. Byrnes's book, Speaking Frankly (Harper and Brothers, New York, 1947). The President stated to his Secretary of State that the Germans "for a long time should have only soup for breakfast, soup for lunch and soup for dinner" (p. 182).

The fruits of the Morgenthau Plan were not all harvested at once. The persistence of our mania for destroying the historic heart of Germany was shown vividly in 1947. With Prussia already being digested in the maw of the Soviet, the Allied Control Council in Berlin (March 1) added a gratuitous insult to an already fatal injury when it "formally abolished" Prussia, the old homeland of the Knights of the Teutonic Order. This could have had no other motive than offending Germans unnecessarily for the applause of certain elements in New York. It was also a shock to all Christians. Catholic or Protestant, who have in their hearts the elementary instincts of Christ-like Mercy (St. Matthew, V. 7), or know in spite of censorship the great facts of the history of Europe (Chapter I).

Our policy of terrifying the Germans spiritually, and ruining them economically, is understandable only to one who holds his eye in focus upon the nature if the High Command of the National Democratic Party. Vengeance and votes were the sire and dam of the foul monster of American cruelty to the Germans. In the accomplishment of our base purpose there was also a strange pagan self-immolation, for we would not let the West Germans all the way die and spent approximately a billion dollars a year (high as our debt was — and is) to provide for our captives the subsistence they begged to be allowed to earn for themselves! Our wanton dismantling of German industrial plants in favor of the Soviet as late as 1950 and our hanging of Germans as late as 1951 (Chapter V, c), more than six years after the German surrender, had no other apparent motive than the alienation of the German people. Moreover, as the years pass, there has been no abandonment of our policy of keeping in Germany a number of representatives who, whatever their personal virtues, are personae non gratae to the Germans (Chapters III and VI). Our many-facetted policy of deliberately alienating a potentially friendly people violates a cardinal principle of diplomacy and strategy and weakens us immensely to the advantage of Soviet Communism.

The facts and conclusions thus far outlined in this chapter establish fully the validity of Churchill's phrase "The Unnecessary War." The war was unnecessary in its origin, unnecessary cruel in its prolongation, indefensible in the double-crossing of our ally Britain, criminal in our surrender of our own strategic security in the world, and all of this the more monstrous because it was accomplished in foul obeisance before the altar of anti-Christian power in America.

The facts and conclusions outlined in this chapter raise the inevitable question: "How were such things possible?" The answer is the subject of the chapter.

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Chapter V THE BLACK HOOD OF CENSORSHIP

Over his head, face, and neck the medieval executioner sometimes wore a loose-fitting hood of raven black. The grim garment was pierced by two eye-holes through which the wearer, himself unrecognized, caused terror by glancing among the onlookers while he proceeded to fulfill his gruesome function. In similar fashion today, under a black mask of censorship, which hides their identity and their purpose, the enemies of our civilization are at once creating fear and undermining our Constitution and our heritage of Christian civilization. In medieval times the onlookers at least knew what was going on, but in modern times the people have no such knowledge. Without the ignorance and wrong judging generated by this hooded propaganda, an alert public and an informed Congress would long since have guided the nation to a happier destiny.

The black-out of truth in the United States has been effected (I) by the executive branch of the national government and (II) by non-government power.

I

In the mention of government censorship, it is not implied that our national government suppresses newspapers, imprisons editors, or in other drastic ways prevents the actual publication of news which has already been obtained by periodicals. It is to be hoped that such a lapse into barbarism will never befall us.

Nevertheless, since the mid-thirties, a form of censorship has been applied at will by many agencies of the United States government. Nothing is here said against war-time censorship of information on United States troop movements, military plans, and related matters. Such concealment is necessary for our security and for the surprise of the enemy, and is a vital part of the art of war. Nothing is said here against such censorship as the government's falsification of the facts about our losses on December 7, 1941, at Pearl Harbor (Pearl Harbor, The Story of the Secret War, by George Morgenstern, The Devin-Adair Company, New York, 1947), though the falsification was apparently intended to prevent popular hostility against the administration rather than to deceive an enemy who already knew the facts.

Unfortunately, however, government censorship has strayed from the military field to the political. Of the wide-spread flagrant examples of government blackout of truth before, during, and after World War II the next five sections (a to e) are intended as samples rather than as even a slight survey of a field, the vastness of which is indicated by the following:

Congressman Reed (N.Y., Rep.) last week gave figures on the number of publicity people employed in all the agencies of the Government. "According to the last survey made," he said, "there were 23,000 permanent and 22,000 part-time" (From "Thought Control," Human Events, March 19, 1952).

(a)

Our grossest censorship concealed the Roosevelt administration's maneuvering our people into World War II. The blackout of Germany's appeal to settle our differences has been fully enough presented in Chapter IV. Strong evidence of a similar censorship of an apparent effort of the administration to start a war in the Pacific is voluminously presented in Frederic R. Sanborn's heavily documented Design for War (already referred to). Testimony of similar import has been furnished by the war correspondent, author, and broadcaster, Frazier Hunt. Addressing the Dallas Women's Club late in 1950, he said, "American propaganda is whitewashing State Department mistakes ... the free American mind has been sacrificed ... We can't resist because we don't have facts to go on."

For a startling instance of the terrible fact of censorship in preparing for our surrender to the Soviet and the part played by Major General Clayton Bissell, A.C. of S., G-2 (the Chief of Army Intelligence), Ambassador to Moscow W. Averell Harriman, and Mr. Elmer Davis, Director of the Office of War Information, see Lane, former U.S. Ambassador to Poland (The American Legion Magazine, February, 1952). There has been no official answer to Mr. Lane's question:

Who, at the very top levels of the United States Government, ordered the hiding of all intelligence reports unfavorable to the Soviets, and the dissemination only of lies and communist propaganda?

Professor Harry Elmer Barnes's pamphlet, "Was Roosevelt Pushed Into War by Popular Demand in 1941?" (Freeman's Journal Press, Cooperstown, New York, 1951, 250) furnishes an important observation on the fatal role of government censorship in undermining the soundness of the public mind and lists so well the significant matters on which knowledge was denied the people that an extensive quotation is here used as a summary of this section:

Fundamental to any assumption about the relation of public opinion to political action is this vital consideration: It is not only what the people think, but the soundness of their opinion which is most relevant. The founders of our democracy assumed that, if public opinion is to be a safe guide for statecraft, the electorate must be honestly and adequately informed. I do not believe that any interventionist, with any conscience whatever, would contend that the American public was candidly or sufficiently informed as to the real nature and intent of President Roosevelt's foreign policy from 1937 to Pearl Harbor. Our public opinion, however accurately or inaccurately measured by the polls, was not founded upon full factual information.

Among the vital matters not known until after the War was over were: (1) Roosevelt's statement to President Benes in May, 1939, that the United States would enter any war to defeat Hitler; (2) the secret Roosevelt-Churchill exchanges from 1939 to 1941; (3) Roosevelt's pressure on Britain, France and Poland to resist Hitler in 1939; (4) the fact that the Administration lawyers had decided that we were legally and morally in the War after the Destroyer Deal of September, 1940; (5) Ambassador Grew's

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warning in January, 1941, that, if the Japanese should ever pull a surprise attack on the United States, it would probably be at Pearl harbor, and that Roosevelt, Stimson, Knox, Marshall and Stark agreed that Grew was right; (6) the Anglo-American Joint-Staff Conferences of January-March, 1941; (7) the drafting and approval of the Washington Master War Plan and the Army-Navy Joint War Plan by May, 1941; (8) the real facts about the nature and results of the Newfoundland Conference of August, 1941; (9) the devious diplomacy of Secretary Hull with Japan; (10) Konoye's vain appeal for a meeting with Roosevelt to settle the Pacific issues; (11) Roosevelt's various stratagems to procure an overt act from Germany and Japan; (12) Stimson's statement about the plan to maneuver Japan into firing the first shot; (13) the idea that, if Japan crossed a certain line, we would have to shoot; (14) the real nature and implications of Hull's ultimatum of November 26, 1941; and (15) the criminal failure to pass on to Admiral Kimmel and General Short information about the impending Japanese attack.

If the people are to be polled with any semblance of a prospect for any intelligent reaction, they must know what they are voting for. This was conspicuous not the case in the years before Pearl Harbor.

(b)

Almost, if not wholly, as indefensible as the secret maneuvering toward war, was the wholesale deception of the American people by suppressing or withholding facts on the eve of the presidential election of 1944. Three examples are here given.

First of all, the general public got no hint of the significance of the pourparlers with the "left," which led to the naming of the same slate of presidential electors by the Democratic, American Labor, and Liberal parties in New York — a deal generally credited with establishing the fateful grip (Executive Order of December 30, 1944) of Communists on vital power-positions in our government. Incidentally the demands of the extreme left were unassailable under the "We need those votes" political philosophy; for Dewey, Republican, received 2,987,647 votes to 2,478,598 received by Roosevelt, Democrat — and Roosevelt carried the state only with the help of the 496,236 Liberal votes, both of which were cast for the Roosevelt electors!

As another example of catering to leftist votes, the President arrogantly deceived the public on October 28, 1944, when he "boasted of the amplitude of the ammunition and equipment which were being sent to American fighting men in battle." The truth, however, was that our fighting men would have sustained fewer casualties if they had received some of the supplies which at the time were being poured into Soviet Russia in quantities far beyond any current Soviet need. It was none other than Mrs. Anna Rosenberg, "an indispensable and ineradicable New Deal ideologist, old friend of Mrs. Roosevelt" who, about a month before the election, "went to Europe and learned that ammunition was being rationed" to our troops. "It apparently did not occur to Mrs. Rosenberg to give this information to the people before election day." After the election and before the end of the same tragic November, the details were made public, apparently to stimulate production (all quotes from Westbrook Pegler's column "Fair Enough," Nov. 27, 1944, Washington Times-Herald and other papers).

A third example of apparent falsification and deception had to do with President Roosevelt's health in the summer and autumn of 1944. His obvious physical deterioration was noted in the foreign press and was reported to proper officials by liaison officers to the White House (personal knowledge of the author). Indeed, it was generally believed in 1944, by those in a position to know, that President Roosevelt never recovered from his illness of December, 1943, and January, 1944, despite a long effort at convalescence in the spring weather at the "Hobcaw Barony" estate of his friend Bernard Baruch on the South Carolina coast. The imminence of the President's death was regarded as to certain that, after his nomination to a fourth term, Washington newspaper men passed around the answer "Wallace" to the spoken question "Who in your opinion will be the next president?" Former Postmaster General James A. Farley has testified that Roosevelt "was a dying man" at the time of his departure for Yalta ("America Betrayed at Yalta," by Congressman Lawrence H. Smith, National Republic, July, 1951). The widespread belief that Roosevelt was undergoing rapid deterioration was shortly to be given an appearance of certitude by the facts of physical decay revealed at the time of his death, which followed his inauguration by less than three months.

Nevertheless, Vice Admiral Ross T. McIntire, Surgeon-General of the Navy and Roosevelt's personal physician, was quoted thus in a Life article by Jeanne Perkins (July 21, 1944, p. 4) during the campaign: "The President's health is excellent. I can say that unqualifiedly."

(c)

In World War II, censorship and falsification of one kind or another were accomplished not only in high government offices but in lower echelons as well. Several instances, of which three are here given, were personally encountered by the author.

(1)      Perhaps the most glaring was the omission, in a War Department report (prepared by two officers of Eastern European
background), of facts uncomplimentary to Communism in vital testimony on UNRRA given by two patriotic Polish-speaking
congressmen (both Northern Democrats) returning from an official mission to Poland for the House Foreign Affairs Committee.
An investigation was initiated but before it could be completed both officers had been separated from the service.

(2)      News was slanted as much as by a fifty-to-one pro-Leftist ratio in a War Department digest of U.S. newspaper opinion
intended, presumably, to influence thought including the thought of U.S. soldiers. For example, the leftist PM (circulation
137,000) in one issue (Bureau of Publications Digest, March 14, 1946) was represented by 616 columnar inches of quoted matter
in comparison with 35 1/2 columnar inches from the non-leftist N.Y. World-Telegram (circulation 389,257). There was also a
marked regional slant. Thus in the issue under consideration 98.7 percent of the total space was given to the Northeastern portion
of the United States, plus Missouri, while only 1.3 percent was given to the rest of the country, including South Atlantic States,
Gulf States, Southwestern States, Prairie States, Rocky Mountain States, and Pacific Coast States.

(3)      Late in 1945 the former Secretary of War, Major General Patrick D. Hurley, resigned as Ambassador to China to tell the

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American government and the American people about Soviet Russia's ability to "exert a potent and frequently decisive influence in American politics and in the American government, including the Department of Justice" (for details, see Chapter VI, a). General Hurley was expected to reveal "sensational disclosures" about certain members of the State Department's Far Eastern staff in particular (quoted passages are from the Washington Times-Herald, December 3, 1945); but he was belittled by high government agencies including the Chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee of the Senate, and large sections of the press connived to smother his message. A scheduled Military Intelligence Service interview arranged with General Hurley by the author was canceled by higher authority. Be it said for the record, however, that the colonels and brigadier generals immediately superior to the author in Military Intelligence were eager seekers for the whole intelligence picture and at no time during the author's conducting over 2,000 interviews made any effort to suppress the collection of information — except to transmit the order just referred to.

Incidentally the brush-off of General Hurley suggests that the leftist palace guard which was inherited from the Roosevelt administration had acquired in eight months a firmer grip on Mr. Truman that it ever had on the deceased president until he entered his last months of mental twilight. Roosevelt's confidence in Hurley is several times attested by General Elliott Roosevelt in As He Saw It. In Tehran the morning after the banquet at the Russian Embassy the President said:

I want you to do something for me, Elliott. Go find Pat Hurley, and tell him to get to work drawing up a draft memorandum guaranteeing Iran's independence ... I wish I had more men like Pat, on whom I could depend. The men in the state Department, those career diplomats ... half the time I can't tell whether I should believe them or not (pp. 192-193).

At the second Cairo Conference the President told his son:

That Pat Hurley ... He did a good job. If anybody can straighten out the mess of internal Chinese politics, he's the man ... Men like Pat Hurley are invaluable. Why? Because they're loyal. I can give him assignments that I'd never give a man in the State Department because I can depend on him ... Any number of times the men in the State Department have tried to conceal messages to me, delay them, hold them up somehow, just because some of those career diplomats aren't in accord with what they know I think (pp. 204-205).

The above passages not only throw light on the enormity of the offense against America of preventing the testimony of General Hurley, but give on the Department of State a testimony that cannot be regarded as other than expert.

(d)

With the passing of the years, government censorship has become so much more intensive that it was a principal topic of the American Society of Newspaper Editors at its meeting (April 21, 1951) in Washington. Here is an excerpt (The Evening Star, Washington, April 21, 1951) from the report of the Committee on Freedom of Information:

Most Federal offices are showing exceptional zeal in creating rules, regulations, directives, classifications and policies which serve to hide, color or channel news ...

We editors have been assuming that no one would dispute this premise: That when the people rule, they have a right to know all their Government does. This committee finds appalling evidence that the guiding credo in Washington is becoming just the opposite: That it is dangerous and unwise to let information about Government leak out in any unprocessed form.

In spite of this protest, President Truman on September 25, 1951, extended government censorship drastically by vesting in other government agencies the authority and obligation to classify information as "Top Secret," "Secret," and "Confidential" a right and a responsibility previously enjoyed only, or principally, by the departments of State and Defense. Again the American Society of Newspaper Editors made a protest (AP, September 25, 1951). The President assured the public that no actual censorship would be the outcome of his executive order. To anyone familiar with the use of "Secret" and "Confidential" not for security but for "playing safe" with a long or not fully understood document, or for suppressing information, the new order cannot, however, appear as other than a possible beginning of drastic government-wide censorship.

The day after the President's executive order, "Some 250 members of the Associated Press Managing Editors Association" voiced their fears and their determination to fight against the "tightening down of news barriers" (AP, Sept. 1, 1951). Kent Cooper, executive director of the Associated Press, and a well-known champion of the freedom of the press, said: "I'm really alarmed by what is being done to cover up mistakes in public office."

The reaction, after the censorship order was several weeks old, was thus summarized by U.S. News and World. Report (October 19, 1951):

Newspaper men and others deeply fear that this authority may be broadened in application, used to cover up administrative blunders and errors of policy, to conceal scandals now coming to light, or to hide any information unfavorable to the administration, especially as the presidential campaign draws near.

It is to be hoped that the newspapers of the country will keep the issue alive in the minds of the American people. (It is to be hoped also that they will take concerted action to deal with censorship imposed by some of their advertisers. See pp. 90-93.)

(e)

During World War II, the Congress of the United States was the victim of censorship to almost as great a degree as the general public. By virtue of his official position, the author was sent by his superiors to brief members of the Congress about to go abroad,

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and he also interviewed them on their return from strategic areas. He found them, including some Northern Democrats, restive at the darkness of censorship and indignant at the extension of UNRRA without any full knowledge of its significance. With regard to secret data, the Congress was really in an awkward position. Because several Senators and Representatives, including members of the most sensitive committees, were indiscreet talkers and because of the possibility that some, like the Canadian Members of Parliament, Fred Rose (Rosenberg), might be subversive, the Congress could make no demands for full details on secret matters. The alternative was the twilight in which patriotic Senators and Representatives had to work and vote.

Alarmed by the threat of Communism, however, the Congress has made investigations and published a number of pamphlets and books (Superintendent of Documents, Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D.C.) intended to acquaint the American people with the danger to this country from Communists in general as well as from those imbedded in the departments and agencies of the government. It is suggested that you write to your own Congressman or to one of your Senators for an up-to-date list of these publications. One of a series of ten-cent books (see below in this chapter) is actually entitled "100 Things You Should Know About Communism and Government." How pathetic and how appalling that a patriotic Congress, denied precise facts even as the people are denied them, has to resort to such a means to stir the public into a demand for the cleanup of the executive branch of our government!

II

Censorship, however, has by no means been a monopoly of the administration. Before, during, and since World War II, amid ever-increasing shouts about the freedom of the press, one of the tightest censorships in history has been applied by non­government power to the opinion-controlling media of the United States. A few examples follow under (a) newspapers, (b) motion pictures, and (c) books. These examples are merely samples and in no case are to be considered a coverage of the field. The subject of the chapter is concluded by observations on three other subjects (d, e, f) pertinent to the question of censorship.

(a)

Newspaper censorship of news is applied to some extent in the selection, rejection, and condensation of factual AP, UP, INS, and other dispatches. Such practices cannot be given blanket condemnation, for most newspapers receive from the agencies far more copy than they can publish; a choice is inevitably hurried; and selection on the basis of personal and institutional preferences is legitimate — provided there is no blackout of important news. The occasional use of condensation to obscure the point of a news story is, however, to be vigorously condemned.

Still worse is a deliberate news slanting, which is accomplished by the "editing" — somewhere between fact and print — of such dispatches as are printed. During World War II the author at one time had under his supervision seven War Department teletype machines and was astounded to learn that dispatches of the news agencies were sometimes re-worded to conform to the policy or the presumed policy of a newspaper, or to the presumed attitude of readers or advertisers, or possibly to the prejudices of the individual journalist who did the re-wording! Thus, when Field Marshall von Mackensen died, a teletype dispatch described him as the son of a "tenant farmer." This expression, presumably contrary to the accepted New York doctrine that Germany was undemocratic, became in one great New York morning paper "son of a minor landholder" and in another it became "son of a wealthy estate agent." It is not here implied that the principal owners of these papers knew of this or similar instances. The changed dispatches, however, show the power of the unofficial censor even when his infiltration is into minor positions.

The matter of securing a substantially different meaning by changing a word or a phrase was, so far as the author knows, first brought to the attention of the general public late in 1951 when a zealous propagandist substituted "world" for "nation" in Lincoln's "Gettysburg Address! The revamping of Lincoln's great words "that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom" would have made him a "one worlder," except for the fact that some Americans knew the Gettysburg Address by heart! Their protests not only revealed the deception in this particular instance, but brought into daylight a new form of falsification that is very hard to detect — except, of course, when the falsifiers tamper with something as well known as the Gettysburg Address!

Occasionally during World War II the abuse of rewriting dispatches was habitual. One foreign correspondent told the author that the correspondent's paper, a "liberal" sheet which was a darling of our government, virtually threw away his dispatches, and wrote what they wished and signed his name to it. Be it said to this man's credit that he resigned in protest.

Sometimes the censorship is effected not by those who handle news items, but by the writer. Thus the known or presumed attitude of his paper or its clientele may lead a correspondent to send dispatches designed, irrespective of truth, to please the recipients. This practice, with especial emphasis on dispatches from West Germany, was more than once noted by the newsletter, Human Events (1710 Rhode Island Avenue, N W., Washington 6, D.C.) during the year 1950. See the issue of December 20, 1950, which contains an analysis of the dim-out in the United States on the German reaction to the naming of General Eisenhower, the first implementer of the Morgenthau Plan, as Supreme Commander of our new venture in Europe.

In the early summer of 1951, the American public was treated to a nation-wide example of the form of distortion or falsification in certain sections of the press and by certain radio commentators. This was the presentation as fact of the individual columnist's or commentator's thesis that General MacArthur wanted war, or wanted World War III, or something of the sort — a thesis based on the General's request for the use of Nationalist Chinese troops as allies and for the removal of the blindfold which prevented his even reconnoitering, much less bombing, the trans-Yalu forces of the enemy armies, vastly more numerous than his own (see Chapter VI, d, below), who were killing his men. The presentation of such a thesis is a writer's privilege, which should not be denied him, but it should be labeled as a viewpoint and not as a fact.

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One powerful means of effecting censorship in the United States was mentioned as early as 1938 by William Allen White, nationally known owner and editor of the Emporia (Kansas) Gazette, in a speech at the University of Pennsylvania. These are his words:

The new menace to the freedom of the press, a menace to this country vastly more acute than the menace from government, may come through the pressure not of one group of advertisers, but a wide sector of advertisers. Newspaper advertising is now placed somewhat, if not largely, through nationwide advertising agencies ... As advisers the advertising agencies may exercise unbelievably powerful pressure upon newspapers ... (Quoted from Beaty's Image of Life, Thomas Nelson and Sons, New York, 1940).

Details of the pressure of advertisers on newspaper publishers rarely reach the public. An exception came in January, 1946, when the local advertising manager of the Washington Times-Herald wrote in his paper as follows: "Under the guise of speaking of his State Department career in combination with a preview of FM and Television Broadcasting, Mr. Ira A. Hirschmann today, at a meeting of the Advertising Club of Washington at the Statler Hotel, asked the Jewish merchants to completely boycott the Times-Herald and the New York Daily News." It is interesting to note that Mrs. Eleanor M. Patterson, the owner of the Times-Herald, published the following statement "I have only this comment to make: This attack actually has nothing to do with racial or religious matters. It is merely a small part of a planned, deliberate Communist attempt to divide and destroy the United States of America." She refused to yield to pressure, and before long those who had withdrawn their advertisements asked that the contracts be renewed. The outcome prompts the question: May the advertiser not need the periodical more than the periodical needs the advertiser?

(b)

Propaganda attitudes and activities in the United States motion picture output cannot be adequately discussed here. The field is vast and the product, the film, cannot, like the files of newspapers or shelves of books, be consulted readily at an investigator's convenience. Some idea of the power of organized unofficial censorship may be gained, however, from the vicissitudes of one film which has engaged the public interest because it is based on a long-recognized classic by the most popular novelist of the English-speaking world.

As originally produced, the J. Arthur Rank motion picture, Oliver Twist, was said to be faithful to the text of the Dickens novel of that name. The picture was shown in Britain without recorded disorder, but when it reached Berlin, "the Jews and police fought with clubs, rocks and fire-hoses around the Karbel theater in Berlin's British sector." The door of the theater was "smashed by Jewish demonstrators who five times broke through police cordon established around playhouse." These things happened although "not once in the picture ... was Fagin called a Jew," Needless to say, the Jews prevailed over the Berlin police and the British authorities, and the exhibitors ceased showing the film (all quotes from the article, "Fagin in Berlin Provokes a Riot." Life, March 7, 1949, pp. 38-39).

The barring of Mr. Rank's Oliver Twist from its announced appearance (1949) in the United States is explained thus by Arnold Forster in his book, A Measure of Freedom (Doubleday and Co., Inc., 1950, p. 10):

American movie distributors refused to become involved in the distribution and exhibition of the motion picture after the Anti-Defamation League and others expressed the fear that the film was harmful. The Rank Organization withdrew the picture in the United States.

Finally it was announced in the spring of 1951 that the British film "after seventy-two eliminations" and with a prologue by Dr. Everett R. Clinchy of the National Conference of Christians and Jews might be "accepted as a filming of Dickens without anti-semitic intentions" (Dallas Morning News). But is there any Charles Dickens left anywhere around?

On the question of Communism in Hollywood, there is available in pamphlet form a remarkably informative broadcast of a dialogue (Facts Forum Radio Program, WFAA, Dallas, January 11, 1952) between Mr. Dan Smoot of Dallas and the motion picture star, Adolphe Menjou. Replying dramatically to a series of questions climatically arranged, Mr, Menjou begins with Lenin's "We must capture the cinema," shows Americans their "incredible ignorance" of Communism, lists Congressional committees which issue helpful documents, and recommends a boycott of "motion pictures which are written by Communists, produced by Communists, or acted in by Communists," — the term Communists including those who support the Communist cause. For a free copy of this valuable broadcast, write to Facts Forum, 718 Mercantile Bank building, Dallas, Texas. See also Red Treason in Hollywood by Myron C. Fagan (Cinema Educational Guild, p. O. Box 8655, Cole Branch, Hollywood 46, California), and do not miss "Did the Movies Really Clean House?" in the December, 1951, American Legion Magazine.

(c)

Censorship in the field of books is even more significant than in periodicals, motion pictures, and radio (not here considered), and a somewhat more extended discussion is imperative.

With reference to new books, a feature article, "Why You Buy Books That Sell Communism," by Irene Corbally Kuhn in the American Legion Magazine for January, 1951, shows how writers on the staffs of two widely circulated New York book review supplements are influential in controlling America's book business. To school principals, teachers, librarians, women's clubs — indeed to parents and all other Americans interested in children, who will be the next generation — this article is necessary reading. It should be ordered and studied in full and will accordingly not be analyzed here (American Legion Magazine, 580 Fifth

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Avenue, New York 18, New York 10 cents per copy; see also "The Professors and the press" in the July, 1951, number of this magazine). Important also is "A Slanted Guide to Library Selections," by Oliver Carlson, in The Freeman for January 14, 1952.

Dealing in more detail with books in one specific field, the China theater, where our wrong policies have cost so many young American lives, is an article entitled "The Gravediggers of America, Part I," "The Book Reviewers Sell Out China," by Ralph de Toledano (The American Mercury, July, 1951, pp. 72-78. See also Part II in the August number). Mr. de Toledano explains that America's China policy — whether by coincidence or as "part of a sharply conceived and shrewdly carried out plan" — has led to the fact that "China is Russia's" Mr. de Toledano then turns his attention to the State Department:

Meanwhile the real lobby — the four-plus propagandists of a pro-Communist line in Asia — prospered. Its stooges were able to seize such a stranglehold on the State Department's Far Eastern division that to this day, as we slug it out with the Chinese Reds, they are still unbudgeable. Working devotedly at their side has been a book-writing and book-reviewing cabal.

With regard to books, book reviewers, and book-reviewing periodicals, Mr. de Toledano gives very precise figures. He also explains the great leftist game in which one pro-Communist writer praises the work of another — and old practice exposed by the author of The Iron Curtain Over America in the chapter, "Censorship, Gangs, and the tyranny of Minorities" in his book Image of Life (pp. 146-147):

Praise follows friendship rather than merit. Let a novelist, for instance, bring out a new book. The critic, the playwright, the reviewers, and the rest in his gang hail it as the book of the year. Likewise all will hail the new play by the playwright — and so on, all the way around the circle of membership. Provincial reviewers will be likely to fall in step. The result is that a gang member will sometimes receive national acclaim for a work which deserves oblivion, whereas a nonmember may fail to receive notice for a truly excellent work. Such gangs prevent wholly honest criticism and are bad at best, but they are a positive menace when their expressions of mutual admiration are poured forth on obscene and subversive books.

For still more on the part played by certain book-reviewing periodicals in foisting upon the American public a ruinous program in China, see "A Guidebook to 10 Years of Secrecy in Our China Policy," a speech by Senator Owen Brewster of Maine (June 5, 1951). The tables on pp. 12 and 13 of Senator Brewster's reprinted speech are of especial value.

The unofficial arbiters and censors of books have not, however, confined themselves to contemporary texts but have taken drastic steps against classics. Successful campaigns early in the current century against such works as Shakespeare's play, The Merchant of Venice, are doubtless known to many older readers of The Iron Curtain Over America. The case of Shakespeare was summed up effectively by George Lyman Kittredge (The Merchant of Venice, by William Shakespeare, edited by George Lyman Kittredge, Ginn and Company, Boston, 1945, pp. ix-x), long a professor of English in Harvard University:

One thing is clear, however: The Merchant of Venice is no anti-Semitic document; Shakespeare was not attacking the Jewish people when he gave Shy lock the villain's role. If so, he was attacking the Moors in Titus Andronicus, the Spaniards in Much Ado, the Italians in Cymbeline, the Viennese in Measure for Measure, the Danes in Hamlet, the Britons in King Lear, the Scots in Macbeth, and the English in Richard the Third.

Much more significant than attacks on individual masterpieces, however, was a subtle but determined campaign begun a generation ago to discredit our older literature under charges of Jingoism and didacticism (Image of Life, Chapter III). For documentary indication of a nation-wide minority boycott of books as early as 1933, write to the American Renaissance Book Club (P. O. Box 1316, Chicago 90, Illinois).

Still it was not until World War II that the manipulators of the National Democratic Party hit on a really effective way of destroying a large portion of our literary heritage and its high values of morality and patriotism. Since most classics have a steady rather than a rapid sale and are not subject to quick reprints even in normal times, and since many potential readers of these books were not in college but in the armed forces, few editions of such works were reprinted during the war. At this juncture the government ordered plates to be destroyed on all books not reprinted within four years. The edict was almost a death blow to our culture, for as old books in libraries wear out very few of them can be reprinted at modern costs for printing and binding. Thus, since 1946 the teacher of advanced college English courses has had to choose texts not, as in 1940, from those classics which he prefers but from such classics as are available. The iniquitous practice of destroying plates was reasserted by "Directive M-65, dated May 31, 1951, of the National Production Authority," which provides that "plates which have not been used for more than four years or are otherwise deemed to be obsolete" must be delivered "to a scrap metal dealer" (letter to the author from Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc., June 15, 1951). In this connection, Upton Close wrote (Radio Script, August 12, 1951) that he "was a writer on the Orient who stood in the way of the Lattimore-Hiss gang and Marshall's giving of China to the Communists," and that such an order "wiped out" all his books on China and Japan. Mr. Close continued as follows:

The order to melt bookplates on the pretense that copper is needed for war is the smartest way to suppress books ever invented. It is much more clever than Hitler's burning of books. The public never sees the melting of plates in private foundries. All the metal from all the bookplates in America would not fight one minor engagement. But people do not know that. They do not even know that bookplates have been ordered melted down!

Censorship is applied even to those classics which are reprinted. Let us look at only one author who lived long ago, Geoffrey Chaucer (c. 1340-1400). In both of the two fluent and agreeable verse translations at hand as this is written, the fact that the Knight belonged to the Teutonic Order (Chapter I) is eliminated in the wording. Perhaps this is excusable, for the translator into verse faces many difficulties. Of different import, however, are the omissions in two other editions. The Heritage Press edition of

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the Canterbury Tales omits with no explanation the "Tale of the Prioress," the one in which Chaucer, more than 550 years ago, happened to paint — along with the several Gentile poisoners and other murderers of his stories — one unflattering portrait, a version of the popular ballad "Sir Hugh and the Jew's Daughter," of one member of the Jewish race, and that one presumably fictitious! Professor Lumiansky's edition (Simon and Schuster, 1941, preface by Mark Van Doren) of the Canterbury Tales likewise omits the Prioress's tale, and tells why: "Though anti-Semitism was a somewhat different thing in the fourteenth century from what it is today, the present-day reader has modern reactions in literature no matter when it was written. From this point of view the Prioress's story of the little choir-boy who is murdered by the Jews possesses an unpleasantness which over shadows its other qualities" (op. cit., p. xxiii).

No criticism of the translators, editors, and publishers is here implied. They may have merely bent to pressure as so many other publishers and so many other publishers and so many periodicals have done — to the author's certain knowledge. One cannot, however, escape the question as to what would happen to American and English literature if persons of English, Scotch, Irish, German, Italian or other decent, took the same attitude toward "defamation" of persons of their "races," including those who lived more than 500 years ago! There would be no motion pictures or plays, and except for technical treatises there would be no more books.

One of the most horrible results of the types of censorship illustrated above is the production, by writers without honor, of works which will "pass" the unofficial censor. The result is a vast output of plays, non-fiction prose, and especially novels, worthless at best and degraded and subversive at the worst, which will not be reviewed here.

Time and space must be given, however, to the blackout of truth in history. Fortunately the way has been illuminated by Professor Harry Elmer Barnes in his pamphlet The Struggle Against the Historical Blackout (Freeman's Journal Press, Cooperstown, N.Y. 1951, 50 cents). Professor Barnes defines the historical craft's term "revisionism" as the "readjustment of historical writing to historical facts relative to the background and causes of the First World War" and later equates the term "revisionism" with "truth."

After mentioning some of the propaganda lies of World War I and the decade thereafter and citing authorities for the fact that "the actual causes and merits of this conflict were very close to the reverse of the picture presented in the political propaganda and historical writings of the war decade," Professor Barnes states — again with authorities and examples — that by 1928 "everyone except the die-hards and bitter-enders in the historical profession had come to accept revisionism, and even the general public had begun to think straight in the premises."

Unfortunately, however, before the historical profession had got to be as true to history as it was prior to 1914, World War II was ushered in and propaganda again largely superseded truth in the writing of history. Here are several of Professor Barnes's conclusions:

If the world policy of today [1951] cannot be divorced from the mythology of the 1940's a third World War is inevitable ... History has been the chief intellectual casualty of the second World War and the cold war which followed ... many professional historians gladly falsify history quite voluntarily ...

Why? To get a publisher, and to get favorable reviews for their books? The alternativ